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The text below might contain errors as it was reproduced by OCR software from the digitized originals,
also available as Scanned original in PDF.BOX-FOLDER-REPORT: 16-5-97 TITLE: An Appraisal of the Barak Trial BY: Hajek and Niznansky DATE: 1962-4-24 COUNTRY: Czechoslovakia ORIGINAL SUBJECT: Czechoslovak Research and Evaluation --- Begin --- X-230-CURT - AN APPRAISAL OF THE BARAK TRIAL F-107 Munich, April 24, 1962 (Czechoslovak Research and Evaluation - Hajek and Niznansky) -- Without any preliminaries Czechoslovak radio stations announced in their first evening news on April 20 that a Higher Military Court in Prague, sitting between April 17 and 20, had sentenced Rudolf Barak to 15 years imprisonment. Of his alleged accomplices in the Mini;3try of Interior, his private secretary Vlastimii Jenys received 10 years, Jiri Ondracek 3 years and Jiri Soucek 10 months, conditionally suspended for 3 years. This rather dry statement was amplified a couple of hours later by a specification of crimes allegedly committed by Barak and his associates. It appears from this second news release that Barak, while Minister' of Interior and particularly in the years 1960 and 1961, misappropriated both foreign and domestic currency for his own and his family's personal use. The chief military prosecutor charged him with having used funds slated for the tasks' of the Ministry of Interior for purchases of consumer goods in capitalist countries, for financing recreation trips of members of his family and for buying works of art, in. particular paintings. By his criminal activities Barak reportedly "undermined and rendered impossible the proper performance of the Ministry of Interior in some sectors and seriously jeopardized the security of our state and national economy". In the course of the trial it was "conclusively proven" that Barak was a greedy character, an intriguer and political adventurer whose criminal activities were motivated by megalomania and a striving for a comfortable life. The proceedings also revealed, the official statement continued, the faults of his character, petty-bourgeois mentality and careerism. Under the load of evidence and testimonies by witnesses, Barak reportedly admitted his crimes. He "failed to present anything to his defense which would mitigate his guilt." After the ominous statement of Novotny in Bratislava on February 22 that Barak had aimed at seizing political power was deleted from both the subsequent CETEKA release and from the text of the speech as published in "Rude Pravo", the nature of the charges and the sentence do not come as a surprise. It may be recalled that the few references to Barak which appeared in official media lately referred to him only as a corrupt element intent on personal enrichment. Perhaps taking heed of the softer political winds blowing from Moscow and possible from some dissension within the CSCP the court adopted a cautious line on the (MORE) X/230 - CURT- (1) - AN APPRAISAL OF THE BARAK TRIAL F-108 potentially explosive affair and left the political aspect in the background. Depicting Barak primarily as a high-placed thief, the court, judging by information available thus far, did not even exploit the passage continued in the interim Prosecution report that Barak "revealed information on a number of important measures of both an official and political character." The originally inflated political affairs was, in fact, deflated to mere charges of misappropriation of state funds. All, the rest are only "psychological explanations", comments on Barak s character, rather than punishable criminal acts. For his purported financial machinations Barak drew the maximum possible sentence - 15 years of imprisonment plus confiscation of property, forfeiture of honorary titles, awards and military rank. If compared to the charges advanced, this sentence is inordinately high and strongly suggests the underlying political motivation of the whole trial. Some sentences contained in the official release are propagandistically exaggerated and even downrights comical. Should Barak s thievery really have endangered the Czechoslovak economy as claimed, he would have had to accumulate a capital at least comparable to that of a capitalist magnate of the Onassis class. The "recreation trips" of the Barak family which are now held against him probably refer to the privately reported journeys of Mrs. Barak and the two sons to Western countries, e.g. the Olympic games in Rome. If expenses involved in such excursions threaten the Czechoslovak economy, its foundations must be shaky indeed. Rudolf Barak was also known as a supporter of modern art and actually may have acquired paintings; this is now being held against him in an artificially exaggerated manner. At any rate there seems to be no doubt that other top-level politicians in Czechoslovakia would have to face trail should the official charges against Barak serve as a precedent. There is another indication of the substantive weakness of the whole indictment. If the evidence were really tight and conclusive, the regime would undoubtedly have chosen a public trail. The fact that the closed military tribunal was appointed to handle the affair is, in itself, an indirect admission of the juridical weakness of the case. Although Barak, in his capacity of Minister of Interior, also commanded armed units, he was not a military person; both in view of his office and of the charges preferred he should have been tried a civilian court of justice, An interesting roundabout admission of Barak's popularity is contained in the official communiqué: it states that he "ostentatiously popularized his person, stressed his supposed merits (MORE) X/230 - CURT - (2) - AN APPRAISAL OF THE BARAK TRIAL F-109 and pretended a devotion to the cause of socialism." The regime felt it necessary to include this remark to "explain" its course of action particularly to the younger cadres of the Party among which Barak was the most popular politician. Vlastimil Jenys, Barak's private secretary, allegedly assisted in the criminal activities of his master, especially as far as his "machinations with foreign currency" were concerned; Jiri Ondracek, another former official of the Ministry of Interior, reportedly supplied Barak with consumer goods bought in Western countries. He seems to be identical with a former Legation Secretary stationed in Vienna some years ago. Jiri Soucek received a suspended sentence for having attempted to cover up Barak's criminal activities at the last minute. Novotny's attempt to liquidate his potential rival Rudolf Barak once for all seems to have misfired. The constellation prevailing in the bloc (and at home?) after the 22nd Congress prevented him from arranging a political show trial of the first magnitude. In any case he was compelled to adopt a compromise and level mere charges of corruption against his principal opponent. The net result of the whole affair may be that a very considerable part of the Czechoslovak Communist membership will regard Barak as something of a martyr sentenced on trumped-up charges. Moreover, and even more importantly for Novotny, the recent history of international Communism provides some examples of martyrs occasionally returning from banishment to top positions of power to the detriment of their persecutors. mi/2021
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