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also available as Scanned original in PDF.BOX-FOLDER-REPORT: 32-3-151 TITLE: The Hungarian "Solzhenitsin" Speaks Up BY: A/B DATE: 1963-3-26 COUNTRY: Hungary ORIGINAL SUBJECT: Hungarian Unit THEMATIC SUBJECTS: Hungary--1956-1965, Hungary--Literature, Personalities --- Begin --- "E" DISTRIBUTION - 650 26 MARCH 1963 RFE TARGET AREA RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS Background Report (Hungarian Unit AB) THE HUNGARIAN "SOIZHENITSIN" SPEAKS UP With the publication of his works dealing with Soviet concentration camps, which began early in 1962 Jozsef Lengyel has become the Solzhenitsin" of Hungarian literary life. Born in 1896, Lengyel is one of the veterans of the workers' movement in Hungary. His first writings -- revolutionary poems -- date back to 1917. He took part in the formation of the Hungarian Communist Party and, during the period of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, edited Communist newspapers. After the fall of the Soviet Republic he emigrated to Austria, then, in 1927, to Berlin and in 1930 to the USSR. He was active in Moscow in the literary field, first on the staff of "Sickle and Hammer", and then as the author of screenplays, Lengyel described his experiences in the period prior to and during the Hungarian Soviet Republic in a collection of short stories entitled "Visegradi Street" (according to the Party history, the statutory meeting of the Communist Party was held in this street), which was published in 1932. The introduction to the book was written by Bela Kun. Lengyel was caught by one of the terror waves of the Stalin era, He experienced at first hand the brutalities of the Soviet forced labor camps and the tortures of exile. Arrested in 1937, he was kept in a concentration camp until the end of the war, after which a compulsory place of residence was assigned to him. These details are not mentioned in the author's biography in "Uj Magyar Lexikon" (New Hungarian Encyclopedia). After an absence of 36 years, Lengyel returned to Hungary in 1955. He continued to write and received various literary prizes. In the summer of 1961 he visited China. He assumed an active part in the reorganization of the Hungarian Writers' Association, which had been dissolved after the 1956 revolution, and was elected to the executive committee of the Association. Recently he was awarded the Kossuth Prize. Lengye1's Works on Soviet Terror 1. "The Charmer", a volume of short stories published in February 1962 by the "Belletristic" publishing House. Several short stories in this volume describe life in exile and in forced labor camps. One of the stories describes the fate of a law-abiding, simple-minded individual who is imprisoned together with professional criminals and trys in [page 2] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, a naive and helpless manner, to adapt himself to the savage and beastly world of these depraved men. 2. "Yellow Poppies -- From the Notes of Gyorgy Nekeresdi" (Nekeresdi is a fictitious name), a short story published in the literary paper "Elet es Irodalom" of 17 March 1962. The story reveals a dramatic vision of the Soviet forced labor camp "Norilisk No.2". At night the inmates of one of the barracks disappear one by one, to be shot and thrown into a common grave holding up to 600 bodies. 3. "A Short and Angry Old Man -- The Notes of Gyorgy Nekeresdi", a novel, published in the literary periodical "Uj Iras" of November 1962. The story deals with the arrest and imprisonment under remand of Professor Adrian, a non-Party scientist. The angry, whimsical old man shows moral courage toward the young judge who has him cruelly beaten up. Besides describing the inhuman methods of interrogation, the novel also reveals the bestial conditions prevailing in the cells and the conversations of prisoners. 4. "From Beginning to End", a short novel, published in "Uj Iras" of February 1963. This 35-page diary of Gyorgy Nekeresdi contains the personal experiences of Jozsef Lengyel. Its short chapters, pieced together like mosaics and filled with dramatic tension, reveal devasting details of the author's imprisonment in the USSR, the years spent in a forced labor camp, his release and exile. The Story of "From Beginning to End" The diary, called a "book" by the author, begins with a dedication "to the Communist movement by Gyorgy Nekeresdi, who knew that the revolution would win the fight for human dignity once more" and with a quotation from Goethe: "He who never ate his bread with tearful eyes, Who never spent the sorrowful nights Sitting up and weeping, He does not know you, divine powers!" The first chapter describes the quiet atmosphere of peacetime and recalls the author's childhood, when his mother baked fresh, tasty bread or when he could gorge himself with cakes in a restaurant to which his father took him. Even when he moved to Budapest from the countryside in 1917, he was able to eat as much bread as he liked. Up to 1937 the author wrote often about bread, bread-earning, worries of existence and daily bread, but bread did not assume a "concrete or corporeal form" for him. [page 3] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, In prison he refuses at first to eat bread. He spends the two weeks prior to his interrogation in a place "where the bread, still fresh in the morning, is by noon covered with mold produced by human perspiration, by hot radiators and by the hermetic sealing of the room. The cold water emits steam and the tea water gives off no steam". Some men die from heart attacks, others become insane. The author's skin turns saffron yellow, and festers develop on his arms and legs. There are 25 iron beds for 275 persons. When he gets back to his cell after his hearing, half dead, his cell mates reserve a whole bed for him for 24 hours. Three of his fellow prisoners hand him their daily sugar ration -- six cubes of sugar in all -- and make him eat at least half of his bread ration. The author is transported in a boat to the forced labor camp, where the daily food ration consists of bread, salted fish -- and only 200 grams of water. Somewhere outside a war, a big war, was starting. We behind the barbed wire were not supposed to know about it; naturally we did know and, even more, felt it. In the mornings the transparent green cabbage soup contained fewer and fewer cabbage leaves, we received no lunch and the potato soup in the evenings smelled of earth, looked muddy and had hardly any potatoes in it. The reduced bread rations became our life and death, our everything. The camps of the invalid and disabled persons changed into the most populous camps, the brigades of the woodcutters and gravediggers, into the largest brigades. Only the woodcutters received 70 decagrams of bread per day. They provided firewood for the six bonfires burning around the camp, for the bakery, the kitchen, the barracks and, finally, for the hospital. We, the gravediggers, also received 70 decagrams of bread per day. The hospital was our employer. It is as dark as night when we get up, and it is much too cold to wash. In wintertime we are led out of the camp at daybreak. Tall, hard-faced Letts, broad-hacked Russians, narrow-shouldered Chinese, bandy-legged Bokharans with large heads, Armenians and Jews -- all kinds of people, and all are marching. Stamping the snow under each other's footsteps, we are trudging along to the nearby woods. The soles and counters of our shoes are made of used car tires, the upper parts are patched together from the remnants of quilted cloth. In these shoes you can only trudge along, they are heavy and cold and always feel damp. In the woods we rake up twigs, crumbling trunks and abandoned beams from under the snow. We drag them to the path we have just made. The smaller twigs are carried by the men on their backs, the larger pieces are picked up by two men and the heaviest beams are attached to a rope and pulled by many of us to the cemetery. [page 4] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, We chop the wood, make a big bonfire and sit around it. The Bokharans quickly take out their copper pipes, cautiously fill them with a mixture of sawdust and rough tobacco, slowly light them and remain silent. We liked the Bokharans. One of them, a fair man, was the brigade leader. The Bokharans never cheated or stole, nor did they try to take the lighter jobs. But again they did not share things as easily as the Russians. They never gave each other or the others any tobacco. Yet they never asked for or accepted anything. All the other nationalities were made up of a mixture of good and bad; the Chinese had the best qualities. They always gave if asked, but never asked for anything themselves. They accepted what was offered to them and expressed their gratitude with eyes beaming eternal friendship. We remain seated and silent, smoke our pipes and try to keep warm until the cold ground starts thawing under the bonfire. Then we quickly clear away the embers and begin digging in the same place where the bonfire had been burning. At a depth of one or two spadefuls the soil is soft. We go on making the hole deeper with picks and handspikes. When the frozen soil does not give way any further, we light another fire in the hole and warm ourselves again. Now that we are perspiring from hard work we feel the cold even more. The fire goes out once more, and we again set to our task. We dig and use our picks. The third bonfire toward the end of the short winter day is made in accordance with the instructions of the Bokharans. It is supposed to last till morning to enable us to start digging right away. Two full days were needed for digging a large grave. On the second day we reached the soft, unfrozen earth. We scooped out big hollows beneath the frozen layer in order to get more bread and to make more room for those arriving on their last journey. This was the only way to fulfill the norms and thus to be allocated a bread ration of 70 decagrams per day. Our task is only to dig. The burying is done by the medical orderlies. If we can, we try to look away when the grave is filled with corpses, but we involuntarily notice the dead bodies as they are brought out in many carloads, each with only a shirt on, the most torn, discarded shirt of the hospital. There are no men to make coffins, nor is there any timber for this purpose. A small plate is tied to one of the thin legs of the dead person. The plates used are the same as those bought by a storeman to mark his various keys. Each plate indicates the name of the dead man and his "file" number. The case is thus closed, but the number stays [page 5] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, with the dead. These men were not interested in their file numbers daring their lifetime, hardly any of them was familiar with the number linked to their name. Now they have not only lost interest in the number, they are also not cold any more in the thin shirt. We were afraid to look at them: sometimes their shirts slipped up and revealed their dead male organs. We were afraid of these bodies and of having to share their fate. We tried to avoid death by digging hollows and by thus receiving our daily bread rations. But men continued to disappear all the time into the graves, death hovered over the gravediggers with growing intensity... Then follows the description of another scene: the camp inmates are awakened at night to collect firewood for the kitchen. In the numbing cold long icicles hang down from the nostrils of the horses, making it very difficult for them to breathe. The author can hardly move his legs, made stiff by the ice-cold air. His worn-out gloves, and shoes, still damp from the day before, freeze as hard as glass. Later the author falls ill, his toes becoming red swellings. Instead of 70 decagrams of bread a day, he is given the sick ration: 40 decagrams of poor, wet bread. The brigade leader entrusts him with the task of distributing the bread. Two nights in a row a bread ration is stolen, and the author has to sacrifice his own. The two days without food make him so weak that he can hardly move from the bunk. During the third night he catches the thief: he notices a hand touching the loaves placed under his head. He grasps the hand -- which turns out to belong to the brigade leader. The author cries out, but someone slaps him in the face, and he has to let go of the hand. The following day he moves to another bunk. Death is walking in his footsteps. His life is saved by the cook, who assigns him to the group of potato peelers. Ivan Osipovich, the cook, is an important person. He is protected by special guards, and when he goes to sleep, the others are only allowed to whisper in the barracks. Through this work the author regains some of his strength, but having had to stand in line in front of surgery every day his frostbite gets worse daily. The bone is already showing on his big toe, and the first joint is frost-bitten. He is put in the hospital, where he is allowed to assist the doctor. Limping men, some with one eye or a wooden leg, bearded old men with trembling hands, 35 disabled persons armed with clubs surround the box, as they would surround a sacrament or coffin, and collect 70 bread rations. They carry their own rations and those of the 35 others waiting in the barracks, who are even more disabled than themselves. These are the 70 rations of the spoon-carvers . [page 6] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, The procession, like the festive procession of priests, moves slowly across the courtyard of the camp toward the barracks. Ivan Timofeievich, a tall old man and a Communist, walks in front. He already got acquainted with prison life and exile under tsarist rule. He is not the leader of our brigade, nor would he undertake the job, nevertheless, he enjoys the greatest prestige, distributes the bread and administers justice. The procession reaches the entrance to the barracks, a door leading to a corridor. The advance guard, headed by Ivan Timofeievich, steps into the dark corridor. The entrance is narrow, and the flanking-guards are thus obliged to make room for the large box. At the same moment a few young men are trying to leave the barracks. They are pale and sick looking, but young and nimble. The old men have to protect their box of bread from these men. A rush and scramble, confusion and elbowing develops at the door. One of the young men turns the box over and bread is rolling all over the place, down the steps and on the ground. The bearded old men throw themselves on the bread. Ivan Timofeievich remains in the door shaking his club. Kondrat Ivanovich, the old Nazarene peasant, does not strike any one, but merely protects the scattered loaves with his body. Those with one leg beat around the box with their crutches, the blind grope in the air with outstretched arms. They are soon pushed aside. The disabled and old men fall on the ground and roll around, out of the reach of the loaves. The thin body of Kondrat Ivanovich goes sprawling on the ground. Reinforcements arrive from the carpenters' barracks, hunch-backed, long-armed, shock-bearded giants. As soon as the thieves notice them they disperse. The spoon-carvers get on their feet again. They abuse and curse each other and with tears in their eyes put the remaining loaves into the box. Ivan Timofeievich alone does not speak, only Kondrat Ivanovich remains calm. Seven rations are missing. The nimble-handed thieves are probably swallowing the prey unchewed in a corner of one of the barracks or in the latrine. Ten rations have to be put together from small pieces picked up from the ground. Almost all the rations got damaged. They are dirty, disgusting, violated pieces, besmirched with mud, blood and earth. [page 7] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, As they place the rations back into the box, the old and honest men, crippled by work, watch each others' hands suspiciously. One of them might steal a fallen piece or might quickly put some crumbs into his toothless mouth. Five thousand kilometers away a great war is being fought... The next chapter deals with the duties of the night guards, who surveyed the camp from watchtowers, by the light of bonfires. Wolfhounds with long chains were tied to the towers. The rowdy inmates, living in separate barracks, confer together how they can obtain more bread. The brigade leader who stole bread is also sent to the hospital, where he finds himself face to face with the author, now the doctor's assistant. The author then describes the machinations of heavy smokers in the hospital. The patients also in indulge in barter in kind and in all sorts of businesses. The man who transported water for the camp, an apelike individual with long hairy arms, was a special figure among the inmates. One of the forms of starvation is that one does not eat for days and as a result dies. This is how people die in crumbling houses, this is how helpless old people die in the lonely rooms of large cities. Another form of death is not so isolated. It might be caused by a mine caving in or by flooding. If a rescuing hand comes in time, death can be avoided. This kind of starvation is quick and unhesitating. It is like the skeleton with a reaper depicted on the Dance of Death drawings of the Middle Ages. The reaper might or might not swish but at any rate it cuts off the thread of life with a single swish. There is also a kind of starvation which is a thread, a spider's web or a rope made of a spider's web. It becomes torn, then grows stronger again, spins itself around a person and attacks from every side. Is it terrible to see it. It is transparent and thickens in front of your eyes. This is slow starvation. "Undernourishment". "Atrophy". "Death from old age". This kind of starveling eats and drinks all day. Such people crowd around the fireplace in the barracks all day long and cook and cook. The huge pots, jugs and buckets, called owing to their size, Pullman car" or "Bunker", wait for their turn. A bread soup comes next, consisting of the daily bread [page 8] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT 26 March 1963, ration diluted with several liters of water and a lot of salt. The alternative is oil-cakes cooked in water to a pulp. The oil-cakes are smuggled into the barracks by the transport men from the stables and are sold for bread or money. Some men give 10 decagrams of bread for one kilogram of oil-cakes. They want to have a full stomach. Potato peels are also being cooked in buckets. It was not easy to transport potato peels or cabbage leaves to the refuse dump; on the way, groups of men would throw themselves on the cases or small carts and divide the prey amidst scuffles and wallows. Instructions were issued by the camp headquarters to the effect that the potato peels should be transported to the stable in cars. These were also attacked. Then it was ordered that the peels be transported under the protection of guards to the cesspit, The men climbed down the deep holes, picked out the useable peels, rinsed them in water and cooked them. Some of the men get puffed up from the potato-peel soup, others pour salt into boiling water. The latter die quickly. In early spring the camp inmates start eating grass. The grass on the camp grounds has no chance of growing higher than half a centimeter. Already at dawn the grass pickers are out, crawling on all fours, getting the blades with their rails and putting them in their "Pullman". A good many hours' work is needed to fill a bucket. While picking the grass the men cheat them-selves and eat it raw. At last the bucket is full. A little water is added and some salt, if available. Then the owner of the bucket has to stand in line in front of whichever fire is going. He watches the puffs of steam from the boiling food with shining eyes, then gets hold of the red-hot pan with his cap and quickly pulls it out of the fire. It is impossible to wait for cooking space on top of the stove, and so the pot has to be put inside. Next the man settles down on his bunk and eats with his face turned to the wall in a lonesome manner, Those who only start picking grass in the morning might collect a bucket full by the evening. I watched a nice, intelligent young art historian with nervous hands and a fine body go crazy and die within a few months during the grass picking and eating period. Grass eating was practiced mostly by the intelligentsia. The rough ones engaged in stealing. The potato peels were snatched off by the Chinese, Turkmen and Kazakhs. The Russians preferred the oil-cakes and salt water. This is a rough generalization. I myself tried these various foods and then decided that I preferred a contracted stomach. [page 9] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, The old peasants held out better than any one else. An ethical disgust kept their away from "impure" food. They survived the ordeals in the largest numbers. The artisans also did fairly well, and in spite of strict control they were able to earn some extra money. They performed certain odd jobs for the guards for nothing, and in exchange the guards winked at any of their services rendered to non-prisoners. The man who transported water was the go-between. In the meantime the country, affected by a grave war, was being ravaged by the Same famine as that in the camp. In Leningrad the situation was even worse. When one of the inmates died his belongings were distributed among the others. One scene in the novel deals with pellagrous patients occupying the barracks, who distribute the belongings of one of their fellows who has recently died. The next part relates the story of a camp inmate who is stabbed in the chest one day when he notices on entering the barracks that his fellows are just about to break open the box under his bunk where he keeps six bread rations. In the hospital the young man continues to save his bread rations, no one knowing why. He dies shortly after the incident. Making coffins for the dead had been abandoned a long time before, and since the authorities had recently stopped issuing shirts for them, the only thing they carry into the grave is a small wooden board attached to one leg showing their name, date of birth and file number. The doctor and myself are making a tour of the barracks to inspect the Shirts and look for lice. Headquarters was very strict about the extermination of lice. They spread typhoid, which might also contaminate the guards. When we enter the barracks a man is just being pulled off his bunk and dragged by his feet onto the middle of the floor. He was caught stealing bread. He stays on his stomach, an anemic, bare-faced child. Four fingers on his right hand are missing. I recognize him, he is a salf-mutilator. Many of these young men were transferred in such condition to the barracks of invalids. The maimed and the intact hand still hang on to the stolen bread and while the body is being beaten and kicked, the mouth is still chewing. A gnome-like, hunch-backed carpenter steps with one heavy shoe on the thief's lips. At the same time someone else -- the doctor who entered the barracks with me -- treads on him. With his feet he stamps on the boy's back like a lunatic. The boy does not defend himself, nor does he utter [page 10] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, a sound. He continues to eat. He devours and swallows the bread, mixed with blood and snot until the last piece is kicked out of his hand and mouth. Old Kondrat Ivanovich, this old peasant and reputed "propagandist," lifts the boy up from under the feet of the others. It is not an easy or safe task, and by the time he has finished, he too has caught a few blows and shoves. Our doctor, a usually sleepy young man with a large body and a little too phlegmatic nature, is gasping for air. The other men are also enraged. But Kondrat Ivanovich manages to interrupt the beating. "Put him into solitary confinement" -- said one of the more rational men in order to save the boy from further beating and kicking. At that stage of camp life the unwritten law of retribution was that a bread thief had to be beaten to death. This only applied to bread. If someone's last shirt or only pair of shoes were stolen, he was not supposed to complain. He was accused of not looking after his things. But bread was a different matter, it was life itself. A bread thief had to pay for the crime with his life; not even the higher authorities could interfere in such a case.... Ivan Timofeievich was and still is a Bolshevik. Kondrat Ivanovich was and still is a sectarian god-seeker. Ivan Timofeievich is a sturdy man with a beard. At one time he was a blacksmith in a Leningrad factory, and his hands remained sinewy, his fingers are thick. Kondrat Ivanovich also has a beard, he is short and thin, with fingers bent from arthritis. They seem to assume the position which they had taken when he sowed seeds into the spring soil with a home-spun sheet around his neck, making one cast, one step, one cast, one step. Ivan Timofeievich and Kondrat Ivanovich are working together. All day long they sift and shovel peas mixed with oats in a cold shed. After work they eat together from the same messtin. Whichever of the two is quicker, he who gets washed first has priority, i.e. can go and fetch their food from the kitchen. They own neighboring bunks and they massage and soap each other's backs when the brigade is taken for a bath. The two men always have bread. They divide the daily ration into exactly three parts and, in addition, always keep a piece in reserve. The rest they give away. For several months they have been helping out a young boy, a gentle and weak little lad, a mere nestling. The two old men never curse, nor do they incite each other. Yet each of them wishes to win over the young boy, coming straight from the school bench, to [page 11] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, their respective ideas. Ivan Timofeievich would like to turn the boy into a Marxist materialist, Kondrat Ivanovich would like to imbue him with faith in God. However one looks at it, the boy has two fathers, two serious exemplary men, who are very strict with them-selves... A conversation on food, cooking and the good things eaten prior to coming to the camp -- favorite topics among the inmates -- is followed by a significant dialogue between Ivan Timofeievich and the boy. "Are you still a Communist, Ivan Timofeievich? -- the boy would like to know. "What else could I be?" "But they say that you are an 'enemy of the people' and that they are the true and loyal men." "Yes, they are loyal to their desks. But I am loyal to the Party and to the people. Didn't you know that?" "I know, but..." "What does that 'but' mean? Do you think that you are super-clever and everyone else is stupid?" "People believe them. They say nice things and..." "It is not enough to say nice things, they also have to be done. Way back, during the underground period, there was a traitor in the Party. He sent many people to the gallows. Lenin once said about him: 'He performed the work of a henchman, lout in order to be able to do this, he had to recruit hundreds of people for the Party'." "Does this also apply to the present?" "Nothing repeats itself in the same way. Thus the above sentence does not apply to the present. There is one thing which still exists; when they attack us they have to refer to Communism and to the people." "I do not understand this." "You will understand later on." "I don't understand how you can remain a Communist?" "What do you mean? Should I cease to be a Communist because of these men? -- and with his thick and crooked thumb he pointed behind his back." [page 12] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, "This is difficult, very difficult." "Well, it is not easy. But you, my lad, will come to understand it, because you will live to see it."... The author is then given a different job: instead of being a doctor's assistant he hoes potatoes in the summer and sorts them out in the winder. This is much better for him because he is able to steal. Later he is sent to a pin factory, where he has to bend safety pins. This is a job received by special favor, but bending pins 10 hours a day tears his skin and ruins his nails. The next part of the diary takes place at the end of the war. The author is set free on 30 December 1946, 26 months after the expiration of his prison term and 12 months after the end of the war. He receives six kg of bread for a 10-day journey and sufficient money for a railway ticket. At the railway station he finds appalling conditions: the waiting room is crowded with people spending days and even weeks there until they are able to get on a train. Each day would-be travelers stood in line in front of the ticket office which learns only half an hours before the departure of the train how many seats are available. Sometimes this number is two or three, sometimes nothing. The author paints a sad picture of the various characters "living" in the waiting room, some of whom are so desperate that they would not mind changing their temporary residence for a prison cell in order to avoid the depressing waiting, uncertainty and hunger. It was bitter cold outside, - 35 degrees. On the 14th day the waiting room is put into disorder by some fresh rumors. In about 30 minutes the "gay 508" is expected to arrive. This is the name of the train which picks up all the passengers who got stranded in various places. It is the famous "gay 50S". Is the joy too premature? One of the railwaymen warns the passengers: "Everyone should look out, the train is bringing the 'wild division'. People with a lot of luggage.." -- and he shrugs his shoulders. It takes me some time to understand from the noise of the excited people what it is all about. No.508 is a train consisting only of freight cars. It is scheduled to run every 10 days on the long Trans-Siberian railway line from Vladivostok to Moscow. Only its departure is on schedule. After that, it is treated as an unscheduled freight train which can be passed by any other train. I begin to understand why this train is called "gay" and why the railwayman told us it was wild: the train is filled with criminals who had served their prison term (they were released on time). In addition, whole [page 13] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, families with all their belongings are also on this train. They are returning from the places they were evacuated to during the war. The train is also filled with speculators who take from Siberia to the West flour, butter and things obtained by plundering the Japanese, in order to return with apples from the Caucasus, ladies' chemises, pocket watches and radio sets from Moscow. These things still exist. Nine years ago already I thought that they had disappeared from the life of the country... The author travels on this train for three adventurous weeks. He is dirty and full of lice when he gets off at Alexandrov, a small town and the residence of one of his countrymen. After a haircut and disinfection he arrives running a high fever, at the house of his friend. After three days, he has to get up, though still weak, and find a job. As he only gets temporary employment he is not eligible for bread coupons. Bread can be bought on the market from the wives and mothers of policemen; the latter make sure that all competition is eliminated. Bread coupons are also sold on the market. The author has to pay 100 rubles for a loaf of bread which "officially" (for coupons) costs two rubles. The author spends 22 months in Alexandrov, and then one night the police come for him. His case is investigated over four months. He remains a full-fledged citizen, with the right to vote, but is not allowed to leave the place of residence assigned to him. If he did, he would be imprisoned for 20 years. He is taken in a prison van to the same railway station where he caught the "gay 508" and then in a truck an additional 120 km further away to a kolkhoz. First he works there as a charcoal burner, then as a field-guard. What is an unarmed, old and disabled man able to guard? The rule, and not the act of guarding, is the thing that matters; it is forbidden to leave the wheat unguarded. If the higher authorities find an unguarded pile, all the local leaders might be put in jail. Naturally, the corn does not remain intact. Some carry if off in satchels, others in their pockets or in water containers used for the tractors. The corn is usually stolen during the day, when, by rights, the guard is asleep. No thieves come at night, but even if they do, the guard could only keep silent. If the thieves would order him to help load the sacks on the car, he would do it. It is best to select the night watches from among the exiles, as the task is less dangerous for them. They are strangers, cannot reveal the identity of the culprits, and consequently are not murdered by the thieves. People say that if the thief knows the night watch he kills him. I had no such experience, but just in case something happened, my good friend, Mihail, told me what to do. [page 14] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, The thieves either come or don't come. I could, for that matter, sleep, bat the cold air keeps me awake. In order to keep warm, at least two lovely 30-year-old birch trees have to be felled and wood has to be chopped all night. The night watch makes a straw bed near the fire. He cannot sleep, and merely turns around. He is always cold on one side. If he lies very close to the fire he might fall asleep for a short time. In this case either the straw under him catches fire or a spark falls on his quilted clothes. It is almost impossible to extinguish such a burning garment, and your last rags are ruined. It is useful if a man is still strong enough to carry a sack or if he can see, aided by the fire, the place where the night watch is sitting and can thus carry off the corn from a neighboring pile. Fifteen per cent of the bread grains harvested by the kolkhoz is distributed among the members and the workers who, like myself, are of the same rank. A sufficient quantity is kept for seed, and the rest is handed over to the state. Only one-third of the cereals given to us is suitable for baking, most of it is frozen, moldy or is full of black wild oats. Sometimes it is also bitter from wormwood which grew up among the wheat and cannot be weeded out. During the following six years the author is a forest guard. He grows old, loses his strength and thinks he might have to spend the rest of his life as a beggar: "My mother used to make the sign of the cross over the entire loaf before cutting it. I shall beg for pieces of bread in the name of Christ." But his fate changes for the better. He could be at peace and content, but is, instead, tormented by sleeplessness. At dawn he sees gray-faced people running after bread: "Will I never be at peace and content? If I at least could be wise and forgiving. But I am not." Have I told everything finally? I said that we stole potatoes, but did not mention how they shot the young man. I spoke of Mishka twice, but forgot about the escape. A lot of things still frequently arouse me from ray dreams. There is a tin "muzzle" on the window of the cell; it was badly fitted by the prisoners, and one can thus look out through a narrow opening. A black prison van stops in the icy yard. First the guards, then the prisoners get out. Ten of them, again 10, then again and again. Finally no one comes any more, the door [page 15] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, remains open. A dense, heavy steam continues to pour out of the empty car. The memory of humane guards also comes back; few of them were really wretched. Yet I myself have come across a very small number of decent interrogators. Outside, where the work was done, there were also decent commandants. I already mentioned those who pretended not to notice that we were cooking or baking. One of them treated us with a patriarchal wisdom. The wife of another commandant was a doctor She came to the hospital, where, fully conscious of my lawful presence and with the help of decent doctors, I pretended to be sick and tried to improve my mind. The woman doctor noticed the book in my hand: "What are you reading?" "War and Peace'." "Oh" she examined my case sheet. "Why is the light so bad here?" -- she turned to the doctor. "Have a stronger bulb put above the "bed." Then she turned to me: "At least as long as you are here I would like you not to feel that..." -- the lovely blonde woman turned away, she was unable to finish the sentence. When we were transported from one place to another, and someone managed to throw a letter out of the closed carriage, the addressee always got it. Always, and we knew it. The formation was marched across a Siberian village. We stopped to get a drink of water, Peasant women broke through the cordon of guards to bring us buckets of poiled potatoes. The guards could not tolerate this. I have never in my life heard anyone curse in the manner that these women cursed the guards, And what did they do? They could have used their weapons, but did not think of it. "Throw the food from, further away!" -- they told the women. It is not necessary to lick the wound like wounded game or to cherish the secret wound; the face of the men rising at dawn is not tortured any more. The balm of justice has already healed and is still healing the wounds. One can again see what could never be seen entirely, but which had to be felt all the time, even in the eyes of the numerous guards: thanks to you, Ivan Timofeievich, Kondrat Ivanovich, Ivan Osipovich and the many Ivans (poor Sacha, you too should rest in peace). [page 16] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, The Ivans are in majority, the good and the strong ones, whose body-warm humaneness protected us. They are growing stronger all the time, This process is slower than I would like it to be, but faster than I could have believed it to be. One had to tell the story of the long days and quickly passing years and, when eating bread the day before, and tomorrow's bread today, one had to tell the story of the daily bread. One had to make a true accounting for a superannuated debt, which has become entirely superannuated ever since truth and the Party are once again united. Let everyone have bread! This is the way in which I, Gyorgy Nekeresdi, say farewell, bow deeply to the productive and creative human being. Lengyel's Works are Promoting the Hungarian Ferment Admidst the colorful trends of Hungarian literary life, filled with tension and unexpected events, the effect of the works revealing the crimes of the personality cult is beginning to make itself felt. This atmosphere is also the result of A.Solzhenitsin's recent novek. "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich" was published in Hungarian in book form, reprinted in "Nagyvilag", the popular periodial of would literature, and furthermore was serialized by some provincial newspapers, prior to these publications. The absence of press comments on the book was at first quite striking. The political "directions for use" were provided by Tvardovsky's preface to the novel and by an article in "Les Lettres Francaises" by Elsa Triolet. Then a Hungarian newspaper [l] mentioned a discussion on the book between the literary critic of "Literaturnaya Rossiya" and "Yermilov", a contributor to "Iztvestia". Hungarian critics expressed a basically favorable view on Solzhenitsin's novel, and literary public opinion became interested in it. According to a provincial literary paper, "'One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich' caused a considerable stir and aroused excited discussions among literary men and readers." [2] Jossef Lengyel wrote about the Stalinist terror before Solzhenitsin did. It seems likely that the publication of such works required the approval of the highest Party leadership. Naturally there are conditions attached to every literary activity moving in a certain direction. A work on the Stalinist era has to ------------------------------ (1) "Magyar Nemzet", 17.2.63. (2) "Tiszataj", February 1963. [page 17] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 26 March 1963, emphasize that the Communist ideology, the Party and the regime had nothing whatsoever to do with the distorted and criminal methods of the personality cult and that Communists suffering the hell of terror remained loyal to the idea. The aim of talking about this terror is not to rummage in the unproductive past but to serve the future. The Jozsef Lengyel's novel provides an exemplary specimen of this procedure. The dedication, the closing chapter and the conversation between a Communist and a God-fearing man were written in accordance with the current requirements. Lengyel's recent work as well as some of his earlier writings gave rise to lively discussions, which fit into the more extensive debates conducted in Hungary on the extent to which the mistakes committed during the period of the personality cult can be revealed and on the manner in which this should be done. The circle is getting narrower. If the events in the USSR can be put down in writing, why couldn't the same be done about Hungarian events? The ice seems to have been broken; a recent short story by Gyula Oszko described the terror during the Rajk trial (of. HPS No.1296). The ferment continues to spread, and the Hungarian Solzhenitsin, Jozsef Lengyel, is an important part of it. End
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