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The text below might contain errors as it was reproduced by OCR software from the digitized originals,
also available as Scanned original in PDF.BOX-FOLDER-REPORT: 33-1-25 TITLE: The Abortion Problem in Hungary: A Survey BY: DATE: 1964-4-7 COUNTRY: Hungary ORIGINAL SUBJECT: Hungarian Unit THEMATIC SUBJECTS: Hungary--1956-1965, Population Policy, Birth Control --- Begin --- "E" DISTRIBUTION - 500 7 APRIL 1964 RFE TARGET AREA RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS Background Report (Hungarian Unit) THE ABORTION PROBLEM IN HUNGARY: A SURVEY Introduction During the past eight years the birth rate in Hungary has sunk to an unprecedentedly low level. Save for the war years, the natural increase of the population has never been so low. Since 1958, the number of births has been barely sufficient to maintain even the present level of the population, [l] In 1962, the rate of population increase dropped to a bare 2.1 per thousand and the rate of live births to 12.9 per thousand. [2] A slight improvement was registered only in Spring, 1963 when the number of births took a slight upward turn. "The worst is over," commented some observers with great relief. [3] But the improvement achieved in 1962 turned out to be only very moderate. In fact, the number of live births was only 2,209 over the 1962 level. Thus the rate of natural increase crept up to only about three per thousand. [4] Such a unfavorable state of affairs would in itself justify the greatest concern over the prospects of the very survival of the Hungarian people. But there is also a further cause for anxiety. The drastic "birth control" which one has been witnessing in Hungary has not been effected by the widespread and efficient application of preventive (contraceptive) measures, it has been achieved very largely through induced abortions on the basis of the so-called abortion law of 1936. By mid-1963, the number of induced abortions had surpassed one million [4] and its rate has continued to rise ever since. It was said in January 1963 that "there was an induced abortion performed every three minutes". [5] ---------------------------- (1) "Demografia", IV-1963. (2) "Statistical Yearbook for 1962". (3) "Magyar Nemzet" of 7 June 1963. (4) "Nepszabadsag" of 3 March 1964. (5) Radio Budapest, 6 January 1963. [page 2] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Such an "institutional killing of the nation," as it was termed as early as in February 1937 or, to quote a more recent definition, an "extirpation of the embryo on a nation wide scale" [6] is, in the unanimous opinion of all medical authorities, the most harmful method of birth control. Not only does it hold down the number of births at any given moment but, at the same time, it is apt to cause such serious damage to the health of women as to have possible deleterious effects on their future offspring as well. Hence the large number of induced abortions has had an adverse effect upon the population both in terms of the short haul and the long run. It is no exaggeration to say that the large number of induced abortions in Hungary is the "most burning issue of public health," constituting a "greater problem than all other mass diseases", which can be solved only if it becomes the common cause of all of society. [7] Widespread concern as a result of the upsurge in abortion figures and the consequent fall in the birth rate dates back to the first months following the introduction of the new law on induced abortions. The works of demographic scholars and statisticians, economists and physicians, journalists and writers who, during the past eight years, have been trying to find the reason for the "inexplicable" drop in the birth rate, could well fill a library. [8] The debate has, however, become more regular and marked since May 1963. Besides the daily papers and periodicals published in the capital, the provincial press, too, began to take a noteworthy part in it. Thus the daily paper of County Hajdu-Bihar started a general debate on "family planning" in May 1953. The debate entered a new phase when the Budapest literary weekly "Elet es Irodalom" decided in December 1963 to focus particular attention upon it. [9] Since January 1964, "Elet es Irodalom" has been running a regular column called "Debate about the Population" which offers an arena for the voicing of "various opinions" on the question. Thanks to the initiative of that journal, which was flanked by articles appearing in all sorts of publications throughout the country, as well as by Radio Budapest commentaries, one can speak of a "nationwide" debate on the issues of the birth rate and induced abortions. ------------------------------- (6) "Nepakarat", 17 February 1957 and Pal Szabo in "Szabad Fold", 1 March 1964. (7) Dr.Imre Hirschler in "tKortars", May 1963. (8) "Elet es Irodalom", 14 December 1963. (9) Ibid. [page 3] UNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Generally speaking, the debate is characterized both by the frank, open-minded, and often surprisingly objective approach of the participants, and by the greater variety of journalistic and literary-artistic media they employ. As to the latter aspect, tile debate is being conducted not only by means of the customary devices of political, ideological, economic-sociological and statistical prose, but also enlists the help of purely literary forms of expression. A recent poem [10] as well as a short story [11] which describe with shocking realism and dramatic overtones the physical and moral agony of women who undergo induced abortion are significant examples of this new way of tackling the problem. Astringent cartoons and comments [12] which hold up to ridicule the egotism of married couples who prefer comfort to children complete this broader range of approach in the nationwide debate. Significant of the growing importance of the debate is the fact that it has also brought on the scene two outstanding "populist" writers, Pal Szabo and Peter Veres. [13] Pal Szabo asks a tormenting question which, in a way, keynotes the purpose of the analytical efforts of the whole debate: what set in motion "the frightful avalanche" which, by the "extirpation of the embryo on a nationwide scale," threatens to bury the past, present and future? He adds that Hungarian history has never produced such a grotesque situation. "We keep repeating that we want to fight for peace, and, in the meantime every year we have a loss of population as bad as one brought on by a major war..." Others who, before Pal Szabo, asked essentially the same question, added to it a further distressing note by enquiring why Hungary happened to fall behind other Socialist countries which have not experienced a similar drop in their birth rates, in spite of the fact that induced abortion there is governed by the same type of legislation as in Hungary. [14] ------------------------------ (10) "Abortusz", "Tiszataj", 8 February 1964. (11) " Egyedul" (Alone), by Judit Penakel, "Kortars", March 1964. (12) "Zalai Hirlap", 5 February 1964; "Ludas Matyi", 5 March 1964; "Uj Ember", 8 March 1964. (13) "Szabad Fold", 1 March 1964, Peter Veres , "Elet es Irodalom", 14 March 1964. (14)" Radio Budapest, 6 January 1963. [page 4] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1954 The aim of this paper is to examine the various aspects of the abortion issue. It will deal with the pertinent legislation in force, putting it, for the sake of better comprehension, up against the background of earlier regulations. It will survey the situation from various viewpoints which have developed in the wake of the abortion law of 1956. It will examine the impact of the law on the numerical changes in the population. It will deal particularly with the various dangers to the health of women caused by too many induced abortions. It will refer to the continuing practice of illegal abortions and also to the role of contraceptives in birth control. It will sum up the various facts for and against the present abortion law. Finally, it will review the reasons for birth control through induced abortion as well as various suggestions to improve the situation. * * * Legislation on Induced Abortions The legal source of the regulations in force on induced abortion is Resolution Number 1047/1956 of the Council of Ministers, which was published in the Hungarian Gazetteer on 5 June 1956. This is the so-called abortion law (and will be referred to as such in this paper), though, in the technical sense of the word, it is no proper law since, despite the great importance of the matters involved, it was not passed by Parliament. The main body of the Resolution went into effect through the promulgation of an executive decree of the Ministry of Health on 24 June 1956 (No.2 1956-VI.24), which elaborated on some details of the matter along the lines laid down in the Resolution. The magnitude of the change enacted by the abortion law, the fact that, in the last analysis, it is left to the pregnant woman to decide whether she wishes to bear a child or resort to induced abortion, provided that she conform to the rules of the law, really appears only if the law is compared with earlier law on the subject, which took a diametrically opposite course. That was Resolution Number 1004/1955 of the Council of Ministers on the "further development of the protection of mothers and children," adopted on 30 January 1955 and published in the Gazetteer on February 8 of the same year. It went down in history as the Ratko Law, after Anna Ratko who was Minister of Health at that time. It would have been more appropriate to call it the "Rakosi Law", as the Resolution was signed by Matyas Rakosi, who was at that time Prime Minister, and because Anna Ratko's term of office came to an [page 5] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 1 April 1964 end fairly soon after the promulgation of the Resolution (on 7 April 1953). Even here, of course, the law was no law in the proper sense. The aim of the Ratko law was to increase the number of "babies by proceeding along three main lines. In the first place, it granted better working conditions for the time of pregnancy and the initial period of the baby's life. The length of maternity leave was raised to 12 weeks. It also offered financial benefits to mothers by giving them free-of-charge layettes up to the value of 400 forint, increasing the amount of maternity assistance and instituting a new type of financial relief equivalent to 12 weeks of pay for the time of pregnancy and confinement. Moreover, it increased family allowances for three children and more, but abolished the allowance for one child only and left the amount of the allowance unchanged, at 75 forint, for two children. In the second place, the Ratko Law created a new special tax for childless men (between 20 to 50) and women (of the age from 20 to 45) which was equivalent to four per cent of their incomes. In the third place, the Ratko Law proclaimed a war without mercy on illegal abortions. Chapter VI of the law ordered the Minister of Justice to draft stricter sanctions against doctors, midwives and charlatans who performed such illicit acts and called upon the various mass organizations to undertake a "social struggle" against illegal abortion, laying stress on the fact that mothers who themselves induced abortion or had it done by others were also liable to punishment. The Ratko Law became effective on 1 March 1953. In that same year, there was a significant increase in live births. They totaled 206,926 compared to the 185,820 of 1952. The strong upward movement also continued in 1954 when live births reached the record level of 223,347. In 1955, a diminution set in, and there were only 210,430 lives births (but still more than in 1953) and the downward trend also continued in 1956, the last year during a part of which the Ratko Law was still in force, when there were 192,810 live births. In accordance with these figures the birth rate showed the following fluctuations: [page 6] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1954 19.6 per thousand in 1952 (i.e. before the Law) 21.5 per thousand in 1953 23.0 per thousand in 1954 21.4 per thousand in 1935 19.5 per thousand in 1956. [15] The reason why the number of births reached the highest point in 1954 and then afterwards declined is that the Ratko Law was in force with unmitigated rigor for only a relatively short time. The Rakosi regime embarked upon the policy of demographic expansion in a manner typical of that era: without due attention to the economic and social consequences of that policy, let alone to human interests and sufferings, either in the short or in the long run. The preamble to the Ratko Law justified such a policy by the "huge results" of the regime's economic policy and the ensuing improvement in the living standard of the population. These were obviously false premises. The over-ambitious targets of the first Five-Year-Plan remained, to a large extent, a dead letter. Housing, nurseries, kindergartens, schools, maternity wards, etc., were already inadequate before the population-increase drive set in and the situation could only turn from bad to worse because of the regime's failure to cope with the increasing demand for them. As for the alleged improvement of the living standard, it is generally known that it reached its nadir at the beginning of 1953. A policy of population-increase could not have been proclaimed at a more inauspicious juncture. The babies came, however -- in some families even the fourth or fifth child, because there was no way out except illegal abortion, which was prosecuted with relentless vigor. Although the new, stricter rules introduced in order to combat them were not disclosed to the public, they could be guessed from the heavy sentences, amounting to seven or more years of prison handed out by the courts to doctors. [16] Some time in 1954 (the exact time is not known), the regime decided upon a moderate change of course. Admission of its own lack of success in living up to its commitments, as well as a yielding to popular pressure (Imre Nagy's "milder" road to Socialism was in full swing) may both have played a role in this turn. While in 1953 abortion committees, composed of doctors and created for this particular purpose gave permission for induced abortions only on serious grounds of health, --------------------- (15) "Statistical Yearbook of 1962". (16) "Hajdu-Bihar Megyei Naplo", 26 May 1963; "Magyar flemzet", 18 October 1936. [page 7] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1954 for example, of childbirth imperiling the mother's life, in 1954 the possibility of legal abortions was also extended to mothers whose family circumstances, social or personal conditions deserved "particular attention". [17] As a result, there was a quite sizeable rise in the number of legally permitted induced abortions, which had numbered only 2,677 in 1953, but as many as 16,281 a year later. [18] In addition to the medical abortion committees of first grade, which granted legal abortion for health reasons and were at work in hospitals containing a maternity ward, so-called second grade medical abortion committees were also created at specified county and town hospitals. [19] While the activity of the former ran smoothly, the work of the latter gave rise to criticism and complaints. There was no common yardstick by which to measure the judgment and decisions of the committees of the second grade. Some of them were "rigid, soulless, circumstantial and bureaucratic". In others, "erroneous views" and even "religious opinions" hampered the passing of "actually humanitarian" decisions (i.e. granting abortions). It must be admitted, however, that these committees worked, under much more difficult conditions than those of the first grade, which acted purely on the basis of medical findings. The members of the second grade committees often found that it was difficult for "outsiders" to take a stand for or against abortion in delicate personal situations. Hence their reluctance to make decisions. If these committees were too severe, pregnant women were inclined not to come before them for fear of rejection, but tended to seek illegal abortions. [20] Notwithstanding this, the number of legal abortions granted by both types of committees also continued to increase in 1955, the last full year of the Ratko Law, reaching a level of 35,398, that is, nearly doubling the figure of the previous year. [21] The final and complete abandonment of the anti-abortion measures of the Ratko Law (to which the medical committees of both grades constituted a "correct and necessary transition") was prompted by a number of reasons: -------------------------- (17) "Szabad Nep", 27 May 1956. (18) "Demografia", IV/196 3. (19) "Nepszava", 20 and 26 May 1956. (20) Ibid.; "Magyar Nemzet", 23 May 1956; "Szabad Nep", 25 May 1956. (21) "Demografia", IV/1963. [page 8] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 In November 1955, "the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet passed a resolution which abolished the earlier ban on abortions and left the women to decide for themselves about motherhood. Hungarian official sources remain silent about the discussions which preceded the following of the Soviet example by the adoption of the abortion law now in force. It is reasonable to assume, however, that the new law had many an opponent (this appears clearly from critical remarks on the law after it was enacted). Be that as it may, the supporters of the full "liberalization" of abortion along the Soviet pattern carried the day. It is interesting to note, however, that open public advocation of the new abortion law preceded only by a rather short time the actual enacting of the law. In fact, the following of the Soviet pattern "as soon as possible" was first publicly urged only at the time when the law was about to be published. [22] The makers and advocates of the new abortion law hoped that most women would not ask for an interruption of their pregnancy without really weighty reasons. Even if a tiny minority were to take the opposite course, the maintenance of the earlier prohibition would not appear warranted on their account. Consequently, it was also hoped that the full "liberalization" of abortion would not adversely affect the further growth of the population. Such fears were discarded as "false". [23] It was, furthermore, hoped that the use of contraceptive measures would spread so efficiently that the number of induced abortions would be kept on a minimal level. [24] And, last but by no means least, the wiping out of the anti-abortion provisions of the Ratko Law fitted well into the general political atmosphere of Summer 1956 , characterized by the step-by-step demolition of the "personality cult," of which the Ratko Law was soon found to bear the unmistakable mark. In fact, the Ratko Law was described in September 1956 [25] as a "hard rule", born out of sectarianism and not inspired by understanding for human destinies. ------------------------------ (22) "Nepszava", 20 May 1956; "Magyar Nemzet", 23 May 1956" "Szabad Nep", 27 May 1956. (23) "Nepszava", 20 May 1956; "Esti Budapest", 25 May 1956; "Szabad Nep", 27 May 1956. (24) "Nepszava", 20 and 26 May 1956. (25) Radio Budapest, 20 September 1956. [page 9] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 The same overt rejection was also spelled out after the defeat of the October 1956 uprising. "It was an inhuman rule which compelled mothers to bear children against their will and regardless of the social consequences". Such social conditions were created by the "soulless, sectarian spirit which 'overplanned' everything, setting a forced schedule even for the growth of the population". [26] Thus, in the framework of the over-all repudiation of the spirit and methods of the Rakosi era, the Kadar regime also pledged itself against any return to the spirit and methods of the Ratko Law as a typical product of the Rakosi era. The alternative was the full maintenance of the abortion law of June 1956. The New Law The dominant feature of the abortion law of June 1956 (to which the executive decree of the Ministry of Health added a few details) is -- as was already been briefly mentioned in this paper -- to give pregnant women the virtually unlimited possibility of obtaining an induced abortion even if their wish should appear quite unjustified on any grounds whatsoever. The conditions which the law set women for the fulfillment of their wish are not difficult to meet. In the main, they are mere formalities. Although the law prescribes that pregnant women must apply for permission to the abortion committee within whose Jurisdiction their domicile happens to fall, these committees (set up at the maternity wards of hospitals and at some specified maternity homes and composed of three persons: a physician and a representative apiece of the local council and of the trade unions) have, in reality, one function only: to rubberstamp the decision of the women. True, the law declares that the committees permit induced abortions "chiefly" for reasons of health or in consideration of "appreciable" personal and family circumstances but, at the same time, the committees are also ordered to give free rein to the women's will if they cling to it. All the committees can do in this regard is to try to persuade the women to change their mind, by explaining to them the possible harmful effects on their health of induced abortion. Such work of "enlightenment" is anyway the task of the committees in all cases. Only in one instance may the committees refuse their assent: if the interruption of the pregnancy is demanded on other than health grounds and if the duration or the pregnancy exceeds 12 weeks. But this limitationi to the woman's power of decision is also of no real consequence. It is difficult to imagine that women who want to obtain an induced abortion will forfeit their "right" to it by delaying the request for so long a time. --------------------------------- (26) "Nepakarat", 20 December 1956. [page 10] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Having thus completely hamstrung the abortion committees in the exercise of any real power of decision, the abortion law lays down only one binding condition, by stipulating that induced abortions may be carried out in hospitals only. Women who undergo induced abortion for other than health reasons have to defray the expenses of the operation and the subsequent care in hospital. Such expenses amount to 280 to 350 forint; 140 forint are reckoned for the use of the operation, room and 70 forint for each day of hospital care; the recommended stay in the hospital is three days but women often go home after two days. [27] If the induced abortion is performed on grounds of health, the women not only do not have to pay for it, but receive all the benefits of social insurance (including also sick pay) for the whole time of their confinement. Conversely, women whose induced abortion is not motivated by health reasons lose such benefits. In order to keep the number of induced abortions at a low level, the abortion law of June 1956 also contains a provision for the production and sale of contraceptives. There was to be no limitation on their purchase and they were to be available at a cheap price. In the era of the Ratko Law, no contraceptives were sold in Hungary. [28] The abortion law of June 1956 did not abolish the whole Ratko Law, but only Chapter VI dealing with the fight against illegal abortions. Hence the other provisions of the Ratko Law remained in force; for example, the special tax levied upon childless people, though it had become quite anachronistic after the abortion law of 1956, was abolished only as of 1 January 1957. [29] After the passing of the abortion law of June 1956, it was felt that the legalization of induced abortions under the conditions of the law also made it necessary to adopt a more lenient attitude toward illegal abortions. It was hoped that the permission for legal abortions would cut the ground away from under illegal abortions. (It will be seen later that this hope, too, remained unfulfilled.) Above all, the revision of the penal rules on illegal abortion was to erase the sad memories of the "Ratko" era, when mothers guilty of self-induced abortion as well as those who had it done by others were liable to severe punishment. Hence the call for the easing of the penal sanctions in this regard. -------------------------- (27) "Magyar Nemzet", 14 May 1963. (28) "Nepszava", 26 May 1956. (29) "Nepakarat", 24 December 1956. [page 11] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 It has already teen mentioned in this paper that the stricter rules which had to be enacted to increase the powers of prosecuting those guilty of illegal abortions as a corollary to the Ratko Law have never been made public. Therefore, the new legislative rules on illegal abortion can be compared only to those which were in force up to the time the Ratko Law was passed. As a result, it emerges that the new penal sanctions are milder than those which were applied before the Ratko Law and are supposed to be even more lenient than those which were in force under the Ratko Law. According to the new penal legislation, [30] mothers who are in any way involved in induced abortion are liable to punishment of up to six months in prison, while the earlier penal laws prescribed prison terms of from six months to two years for unmarried, and up to three years for married women. There has, however, been no similarly fargoing change in the penal sanctions against other people found guilty of illegal abortion. For ordinary cases, the upper limit of punishment remains fixed at three years. The lower limit of the earlier legislation -- six months in prison -- has been dropped in the new penal rules, thereby enabling the courts to hand out milder sentences. The punishment of more serious offenders -- recidivists in the crime of illegal abortion or who perform it for purposes of gain -- has remained unchanged, with prison terms of from six months to five years. [31] Impact of the 1936 Law on Growth of Population In the wake of the abortion law of 1956, the number of live births took a downward turn with alarming steadiness, year after year, from 1956 to the middle of 1963. At the same time, the number of induced abortions took an upward swing with the same frightening consistency from 1956 to 1961, in which year it achieved an all-time record. In 1962, there was a certain diminution in the number of induced abortions. But since the decrease in the number of live births considerably outstripped that of the induced abortions, while the number of deaths showed a marked increase, 1962 became the blackest year in the demographic development of Hungary. Both the birth rate and that of the natural increase of the population hit an all-time low, --------------------- (30) Penal Code, Law No. V/1961, paragraph 256. (31) BHO §§ 358-359/Penal Code of 1878, Law No.V.; Penal Code of 1961, Law No. V. § 256. [page 12] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 the former amounting only to 12.9 per thousand, the latter to barely 2.1 per thousand. In 1963 -- for the first time since 1956 -- the number of live births showed a moderate increase. As that same year the number of deaths also diminished, both the rate of birth and that of the natural, increase of the population showed a slight improvement. It must be pointed out, however, that the higher rate of population increase was due to a much larger extent to the decrease in the number of deaths than to an increase in the number of live births, since the former was four times higher than the latter. Although demographic experts forecast in the middle of 1963 that in coming years the number of births would take an upward turn [32] and there was actually a limited improvement in 1963, the nation-wide debate on the population issue now in progress clearly indicates the general reluctance to indulge in too sanguine hopes. The decline in the number of live births and the parallel increase in that of induced abortions lasted for too long a time to permit one to jump to rash conclusions. In spite of the slight improvement in the birth statistics since the middle of 1963 and the decrease in the number of induced abortions starting in 1962, one should not lose sight of the terrifying fact that, ever since 1959, the number of induced abortions has continued to be alarmingly higher than the number of live births. As at the time of this writing induced abortion figures for 1963 are not yet available, no opinion can be advanced on this most disquieting consequence of the abortion law of 1956. The following table gives a comprehensive picture of the principal items in the demographic development of Hungary since 1952. The graph following the table shows the situation more dramatically. ----------------------- (32) "Magyar Nemzet", 7 June 1963. [page 13] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Year Live o/oo Induced Deaths o/oo Natural o/oo Births Abortions Increase 1952 185,820 19.6 1,715 107,443 11.3 78,377 8.3 1953 206,926 21.6 2,677 112,039 11.7 94,887 9.9 Ratko Law in 1954 223,347 23.0 16,281 106,670 11.0 116,677 12.0 Force 1955 210,430 21.4 35,398 97,848 10.0 112,582 11.4 1956 192,810 19.5 82,463 104,236 10.5 88,574 9.0 New Abortion 1957 167,202 17.0 123,275 103,645 10.5 63,557 6.5 Law in Force 1958 158,428 16.0 145,578 97,866 9.9 60,562 6.1 1959 151,195 15.2 152,404 103,880 10.5 47,314 4.7 1960 146,461 14.7 162,160 101,525 10.2 44,936 4.5 1961 140,365 14.0 169,992 96,410 9.6 43,955 4.4 1962 13O,O53 12.9 163,656 108,273 10.8 21,780 2.1 1963 132,262 13.1 ? 99,672 32,620 3.0 Sources: "Statistical Yearbook", 1962 "Demografia", IV/1963 "Nepszabadsag", 19 January 1964 4 March 1964. [page 14] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 200.000 175.000 150.000 125.000 100.000 75.000 50.000 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 Legend: _______ = Number of Live Births ------- = Number of Induced Abortions Data on number of induced abortions in 1963 are not yet available. Sources: "Hungarian Statistical Yearbook, 1962". "Nészabadság", March, 1964 "Demografia", IV/1963 [page 15] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1963 The impact of the abortion law of 1956 was particularly ominous on the demographic development in Budapest. As early as June 1957 it was stated that the "issue of induced abortions" had become more than anything a problem of the capital. [33] It has remained so ever since. In 1957, there were 72,000 induced abortions in Budapest; that is, over one half of the national total of 123,275. Some women underwent the operation three to five times in the course of the same year. [34] In the first half of 1958, the monthly average of induced abortions performed in Budapest amounted to 5,000; the ratio between them and the number of births was three to one. [35] The situation was even worse in January 1964 when it was found that, out of 100 pregnancies, only 23 ended in childbirth, [36] It is little wonder, therefore, if more people have died than were born in Budapest since the beginning of 1958.[37] In 1962, there were in Budapest 15,232 live births against 19,667 cases of death. The rate of population increase was minus 2.3 per thousand; [38] in reality, one should speak of a rate of decrease! There was some slight improvement in 1963 when the number of live births rose to 16,392 (this was in line with the aforementioned limited increase in birth figures all over the country) while the number of deaths amounted to 19,436. [39] This means that the number of live births increased to a larger extent (1,160 over 1962) than the number of deaths diminished (231 cases less than in 1962). Consequently, the rate of the natural increase of the population also turned out to be less negative, being only minus 1.6 per thousand. But the "balance sheet" of live births versus deaths still presented a deficit of 3,044 (against the minus 4,435 in 1962). Hence it was still a "debit" balance. Of the provincial towns, Szeged has had the worst ------------------- (33) "Nepakarat", 12 June 1957. (34) "Nepszabadsag", 25 March 1958. (35) "Esti Hirlap", 27 May 1958. (36) "Esti Hirlap", 30 January 1964. (37) "Esti Hirlap", 17 July 1958. (38) "Statistical Yearbook of 1962". (39) "Nepszava", 10 March 1964. [page 16] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 abortion figures since the beginning. Since 1957, the number of induced abortions has been 40 to 45 per cent higher than that of live births. In 1962, only about 1,100 babies were born as compared to nearly 2,000 induced abortions. [40] In the same year the rate of natural growth showed a "deficit" of 2.1 per thousand. [41] There are no comprehensive abortion statistics available for the other towns of Hungary. However, a few fragmentary items gleaned from the provincial press reveal an equally alarming picture in other parts of the country. In County Gyor-Sopron, for example, there were 3,982 induced abortions in 1962 -- 33.6 per cent of them were performed on women with no children or with one child only.[42] In County Vas, the natural increase of the population dropped from 6,541 in 1956 to 3,221 in 1962. The figures relating to live births and deaths are nearly even. One fears that, if this process continues, the population of the county will enter a phase which can only be called "dying out". [43] Turning to an opposite side of Hungary, County Bekes, we find that, in 1960, 80 per cent of all pregnancies ended in induced abortion. The number of abortions was said to be increasing. [44] The following table will give a full picture of the natural growth of the population in Budapest, the four main towns and 19 counties of Hungary in 1962. -------------------- (40) "Delmagyarorszag", 22 May 1959 and 21 April 1963. (41) "Nepegeszsegugy", 8/1963. (42) "Kisalfold", 5 November 1963. (43) "Vas Nepe", 16 February 1964. (44) "Bekes Megyei Neplap", 22 July 1961. [page 17] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Area (Counties Live Deaths Live Deaths Natural Towns) Births Births Increase Total Per 1,000 people Baranya 4013 3553 14,3 12,6 1,7 Bacs-Kiskun 7634 6819 13,4 12,0 1,4 Bekes 5685 5381 12,5 11,8 0,7 Borsod-Abauj- Zemplen 10163 5788 17,3 9,8 7,5 Csongrad 4043 3909 12,4 12,0 0,4 Fejer 5457 3610 14,7 9,7 5,0 Gyor-Sopron 5213 4047 13,2 10,2 3,0 Hajdu-Bihar 6569 4240 17,2 11,1 6,1 Heves 4326 3746 12,5 10,9 l,6 Komarom 4140 2573 14,5 9,0 5,5 Nograd 3272 2365 13,9 10,0 3,9 Pest 10514 8665 12,9 10,6 2,3 Somogy 4349 4711 11,9 12,9 1,0 Szabolcs-Szatmar 10877 5452 19,2 9,6 9,6 Szolnok 6129 4980 13,5 11,0 2,5 Tolna 3280 3273 12,6 12,6 0,0 Vas 3746 3328 13,4 11,9 1,5 Vessprem 5885 4019 14,7 10.0 4.7 Zala 3401 3064 12.7 11,5 1,2 Counties total 108696 83523 14,2 10,9 3,3 Debrecen 1702 1290 12,3 9,3 3,0 Miskolc 2010 1238 12,8 7,9 4,9 Pecs 1425 1322 11,3 10,5 0,8 Szeged 994 1220 9,4 11,5 - 2,1 Province total 114827 88593 14,0 10,8 3,2 Budapest 15233 19666 8,1 10,4 -2,3 Hungary total 13OO6O 108259 12,9 10,8 2,1 Source:"Hepegeszsegugv", 8/1963. [page 18] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Factors behind the Figures The negative phenomena which have appeared in the wake of the 1956 abortion law can be examined from a variety of viewpoints. Too many young people take recourse to induced abortion: It was established back in Summer 1957 [45] that the number of induced abortions was particularly increasing in the younger age groups. This unfortunate trend has also continued in later years. It was found that the majority of induced abortions was performed on women of 25 to 34, that is, in the most productive years. [46] What should give one even more food for thought is that the number of girls in the 15 to 19 age bracket who practice "birth control" solely by means of induced abortion is "rather high". [47] Since 1957, the frequency of induced abortions in the younger age groups has increased among single women to a larger extent than among married ones. This indicates that induced abortions in large numbers begin even before the woman is ready to begin a family. [48] The baleful consequences of such a lighthearted approach by young women to the worst kind of "birth control", induced abortions, will appear in their full light in the following chapter on the "Effects of Induced Abortions on the Health of Women". Increase in number of small families: Although the number of childless married couples has decreased considerably in recent years, and, in fact, has never been so low as at present, [49] the number of those who think that the "ideal" size of the family should comprise only one child or two children is on the increase. The ratio of childless married women was, in 1960, only 15.1 per cent as compared to 17.9 per cent in 1920 and 18.3 per cent in 1949. This means that married women --------------------- (45) Radio Budapest, 2 July 1957. (46) "Nepegeszsegugy", 10/1959. (47) "Magyar Ifjusag", 15 June 1963. (48) "Demografia", IV/1963. (49) Radio Budapest, 15 January 1964. [page 19] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 are by no means reluctant to "bear a child; on the contrary, they wish to have a child sooner than their mothers or grandmothers but they want to bear a smaller number of children. In 1960, married women had an average of 2.23 children, compared to 3.62 in 1920 and 2.57 in 1949. The ratio of married women with only one child was 23.4 per cent in 1960 compared with 16.6 per cent in 1920, and 22.3 in 1949 [50] In 1960, there were more than three children in only 11 per cent of all Hungarian families. [51] If there are already two children in a family, one male and one female in particular, the growth of the family is generally considered completed. [52] But, at the beginning of 1964, 34 per cent of all Hungarian families included only one child. [53] At the same time, the number of large families, which alone could guarantee the growth of the population, is declining. Between 1960 and 1963, the number of mothers with five children sank by six per cent and of those with more children by seven per cent. [54] Too Many Childless Families: In 1949, only 26.8 per cent of all Hungarian families had only one child. Since 1961, the ratio of such families has increased to 30 per cent, or even slightly more. [55] The great number of families with only one child presents a distressing long-range problem. A generation of such families can reduce the population by 50 per cent, two such generations by 75 per cent. [56] Aging population is growing: Another alarming long-term effect upon society of families with too few children is that such a society grows "old". Palling birth rates and lower death rates change the overall composition of the population with the weight swinging toward the older age groups. ------------------- (50) Data of 1960 Census as quoted by "Demografia" IV/1963. (51) "Elet es Irodalom", 21 March 1964. (52) Radio Budapest, 6 January 1963. (53) "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. (54) Uj Ember", 2b January 1964. (55) "Nok Lapja", 23 September 1961; "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. (56) "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. [page 20] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Between 1960 and 1963, the ratio of children in Hungary decreased "by two per cent and that of old people rose by nine per cent.[57] The shift of predominance from the younger to the older members of society implies that in 20 to 30 years the number of old people, as well as of children, both in need of care, will be higher than the productive sector of society. Hence the minority will have to provide the wherewithal for the maintenance of the majority.[58] Shortage of Manpowers A further long-term consequence of having few children today will be an increasing shortage of manpower tomorrow. The increase in the size of the unproductive segments of society will necessarily become an obstacle to the improvement of the living standard.[59] Quite recently, Peter Veres sounded a strong note of warning to those who seem to be overconfident that the spread of mechanization and automation will eventually also solve the problem of the manpower shortage. He pointed out that, on the contrary, more machines will require more men, and, in many cases, more young men. He reminded Hungarians that even in our own day the lack of manpower is already acting as a brake on the execution of plans. The situation is likely to grow worse in five to 10 years and even more so in 10 to 15 years, when the present smaller crop of children reaches working age. "Let us be careful not to come to a point where there will not be enough men to handle the growing number of machines," warned Veres. [60] This concern was also epitomized by a provincial paper which wrote: "The building of Communism requires not only machines but, above all, men," [61] A Brief Comparison with Abroad: A comparison between the birth rates of Hungary and those of the other Socialist countries in which induced abortions are carried out on the basis of the same type of legislation raises the disturbing question of why Hungary is at the bottom of the birthrate statistics, not only with respect to the Socialist countries, --------------------- (57) "Uj Ember, 26 January 1964. (58) "Hajdu-Bihar Megyei Naplo", 26 May 1963. (59) "Kortars", May 1963. (60) "Elet es trodalom", 14 March 1964. (61) "Hajdu-Bihar Megyei Naplo", 26 May 1963. [page 21] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 but to the whole world? Similar laws and conditions as those existing in Hungary have also brought about a certain decline in the birth rates of the other Socialist countries, but not nearly to such a dismal extent as in Hungary. In fact, the birth rates in the Soviet Union diminished from 24.9 per thousand, in 1960 to 22.5 per thousand in 1962; in Poland and Czechoslovakia during the same period from 22.4 to 19.6 and from 15.9 to 15.7 respectively per thousand. The figures for live births and natural growth of the population in Rumania from 1961 to 1963 are: Live Births 1961 17.5 per thousand 1962 16.2 per thousand 1963 15.7 per thousand Natural Increase: 1961 8.8 per thousand 1962 7.0 per thousand 1963 7.4 per thousand In Hungary, the decrease went from 14.7 per thousand, in 1960 (mark the low level even then) to only 12.9 per thousand in 1962 [62] In other words, while the Soviet Union, Poland (as well as Yugoslavia) have succeeded in maintaining their leading positions in European birth rate statistics, Hungary has slipped down to the last rung of the ladder...[63] Effects of Induced Abortions_on the Health of Women The harmful effects of induced abortions on the health of women, in particular, if as so often happens, the operation is repeated, are manifold. It is true that fatalities arising from induced abortions carried out under optimal conditions are very few. In 1960 there were only six, and in 1961, when the number of legal induced abortions was well above 160,000 a year, there ----------------------------- (62) "Uj Ember", 9 December 1962; "United Nations Demographic Yearbook", 1962. (63) "Elet es Irodalom", 7 March 1964. [page 22] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 were only three fatal cases. [64] Much more serious is the fact that about 10-20 per cent of the cases of induced abortions are accompanied by some sort of complication -- even if the operation is carried out in the most expert way. Inflammations, infections, etc., may set in and undermine the health of the women for months, even for years. [65] In many cases, the complications are not caused directly by the operation, but are due to the eagerness of the women to return to work as soon as possible. It has already been mentioned above that women who undergo induced abortion for other than health reasons not only have to pay for the operation but also lose the benefits of social insurance for the period of their confinement. For example, they receive no sick pay and, of course, also no salary, since they are absent from work. For these reasons, women who are badly off, in particular if they have children, are often anxious to reduce the expenses of the operation by leaving the hospital a day after the operation on "their own responsibility". [66] Gynecologists naturally take a disapproving view of such haste, but, on the other hand, they cannot help sympathizing with the women. Moreover, the enormous number of induced abortions causes such crowded conditions in the maternity wards that the medical staff is sometimes pleased to see the women leave ahead of schedule. The large number of women waiting for induced abortion or recovering from such operations places a tremendous additional burden on the maternity wards and the medical staff and badly hampers the treatment of really sick women. [67] But the women who are discharged prematurely from the hospitals and also fail to put in a few days of rest are quite likely to fall ill. Eventually they are sent on sick leave, are given sick pay, and very often must also be hospitalized. The drawbacks to such a situation to all concerned are all too evident. The health of the women suffers, the interests of production and work suffer. The state must assume the burden of the sick pay and eventually the maternity wards must also face their share of additional work. Thus far do the ripples representing the adverse consequences of induced abortions spread. [68] -------------------------- (64) "Demografia", III/1962. (65) "Nepakarat", 25 January 1958; "Esti Hirlap", 17 July 1958. (66) "Magyar Nemzet", 14. May 1963. (67) "Nepakarat", 17 February 1957; "Nepszabadsag", 22 March 1958; "Nepegeszsegugy", 10/1959. (68) "Magyar Nemzet, 14 May 1963, [page 23] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 The pernicious consequences of induced abortions on the health of women do not, however, stop with the post-operational complications. Often women become sterile or incapable of carrying subsequent pregnancies through to normal birth. This means, in other words, that the great number of induced abortions not only adversely influences the birth rates at any given time, but also casts an ominous shadow over the women's eventual intentions to bear children in the future, and, consequently, also over future generations. Quite naturally, physicians as well as scholars of demography and statistics devote keen attention to this especially threatening aspect of the abortion problem. All the more so as the number of young women who resort to induced abortion at an early stage of their productive years and even earlier is increasing at a deplorable rate. Sterility: Ever since the introduction of the abortion law of 1956, women have been incessantly cautioned about the danger of sterility. That danger cannot be avoided, even if the induced abortion takes place under optimal conditions. It has unfortunately been found that young women in particular pay little heed to the dangers. It has also been noted that the activity of the National Institute for the Investigation of Sterility (founded in 1947) has had to increase its activity since the abortion law of 1956 was passed. According to the findings of the Institute, induced abortion appears with growing frequency among the causes of sterility. [69] It is estimated that sterility can be the result of up to five per cent of all abortion operations, especially in cases where the operation is repeated. The higher the number of induced abortions the greater the likelihood of permanent sterility. As a result, every year thousands of women become sterile. [70] Normal Pregnancy Endangered: In recent years the frequency of the following has increased considerably: a) extra- uterine pregnancies; b) early separation of the placenta; and c) spontaneous abortions (miscarriages). -------------------------- (69) "Magyar Nemzet", 23 March 1958; "Esti Hirlap", 24 October 1957; "Nepszava", 13 September 1961 and 4 August 1962. (70) "Demografia", IV/1963. [page 24] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 As no other reasons are known which might have been conducive to these occurrences, it is assumed that induced abortions are responsible for them. [70] In 1957, the number of extra-uterine pregnancies was already three times higher than three years earlier. [70] Later it was established that not only did the number of such pregnancies rise to double the 1955/54 level, but there has also been an increase in absolute terms. [70] The number of spontaneous abortions is also rather high. Gynecologists assume that more than half of them (33,642 in 1961 and 33,915 in 1962) are due to earlier induced abortion. [70] Infant Mortality: According to the report of the National Statistical Office, the rate of infant mortality (calculated on the basis of the number of babies who die before reaching one year of age out of every 1,000 live births) was about 42 per thousand in 196 3, i.e. lower than ever before. But the rate of infant mortality in Hungary still compares unfavorably with that of the other European countries -- some 30 par thousand. In 1963, 5,6 38 babies under the age of one year died in Hungary, while in 1962 the figure was more than 6 ,000. It has been established that earlier induced abortions have considerable influence on infant mortality. In 1962, infant mortality among the babies of Budapest mothers who had had no previously induced abortions was one-third lower than among the babies of mothers who had had two or more induced abortions. [71] Generally speaking, the rate of infant mortality amounted to 26.7 per thousand only in cases of women with no previous abortion, but was as high as 67.1 per thousand in cases of women who had earlier undergone inducea abortion. It is to be considered particularly unfavorable that, until 196 3, the mortality in the first month of life decreased only by 40 per cent. The "center of gravity" of infant mortality has strongly been displaced toward death at a very early age. The smallest improvement can be noticed in the mortality data regarding the first week of life. In the first day of life, infant mortality is outright frightening. In ------------------ (71) "Demografia", IV/1963. [page 25] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Sweden and Holland, infant mortality during the first year of life is smaller than it is during the first three days of life in Hungary. [71] Premature Births: It is the high rate of premature births which is responsible for the unsatisfactory statistics on infant mortality. A "statistically confirmed link" has been found between the "alarming increase" in the number of premature births and earlier induced abortions. [71] As a considerable percentage of the dead infants suffered premature birth, the large number of such births is "one of the most serious problems confronting the health authorities": [72] It is a measure of the gravity of the situation that, in 1963, two thirds of the dead infants were born prematurely. [73] It has been called an "intolerable state of affairs" that, owing to the high number of induced abortions, the number of defective babies in the total number born continued to increase year by year. This is the reason why infant mortality in Hungary, in spite of all efforts at improvement, remains on a level so high as to be quite unbecoming to a civilized nation. In the category of premature births, earlier induced abortions increase, above all, the number of prematurely born babies who weigh less than 2.5 kilograms. The frequency of babies who weigh less than two kilogrms is particularly noteworthy. The increase in the number of the lower weight-groups goes hand in hand with the decrease in the most vital weight-groups. When viewing these statistics, one might get the general impression that the Hungarian people have for years been suffering from a serious food crisis. The reasons for this shocking development are judged to lie in the high number of induced abortions during and even before the woman begins to build her family. [74] According to a medical authority, the first pregnancy is interrupted in all too many cases. This is something no woman ought to do without really pressing reasons. [75] The following figures eloquently show the year-by-year increase of the ratio of prematurely born babies in Hungary: ---------------------- (72) "Elet es Irodalom", 1 February 1964. (73) "Esti Hirlap", 30 January 1964. (74) "Demografia", IV/1963. (75) "Magyar Nemzet", 28 January 1964. [page 26] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Out of the total number of live births, the percentage of prematurely born babies was: 7.75% in 1956 8.26% in 1957 8.33% in 1958 8.79% in 1959 9.19% in 1960 9.68% in 1961. The situation is even worse in Budapest, where in 1962, the ratio of prematurely born babies amounted to 14 per cent of all live births. [76] In Budapest, too, the number of babies weighing less than 2.5 kilograms was much higher than in the rest of the country. [77] In view of the seriousness of the situation, it is quite understandable that a recent conference of the Budapest Red Cross found that the high number of induced abortions and the resulting increase in the number of premature births calls for more energetic enlightenment of the population. [78] It is emphasized that the increase in the number of premature births is not a world-wide phenomenon. For example, in the DDR, the ratio of premature babies has been around 5.5 per cent for many years. In Great Britain, it is about six to 6.9 per cent and shows no tendency to rise. Civilization and urbanization have not led to a harmful increase in the number of premature births in other countries. Therefore, the same causes cannot be said to have led to so many cases of premature birth in Hungary. The inference is that the blame for them should be laid on the huge number of induced abortions. [79] The large number of premature babies also presents serious long-term problems. Doctors make heroic efforts to save their lives, often in vain, however, since the mortality of such babies between the first and eleventh months of life is more than three times as high as that of normal babies. Hospitals for premature babies are overcrowded, and, as the number of these unlucky creatures continues to rise throughout the country, new hospitals are to be built for them. If premature ---------------------- (76) "Elet es Irodalom", 1 February 1964. (77) "Demografia", IV/1963. (78) "Magyar Nemzet", 15.February 1964. (79) Elet es Irodalom", 1 February 1964. [page 27] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 babies survive, and many of them do, thanks to ever better medical treatment, they pose a further problem. Too large a proportion of them (according to some estimates, up to 7.7 per cent) turn out to be seriously defective (paralyzed, blind, deaf, idiots). Their care and education require other special institutes and the one which already 3xist are filled to capacity. A good many defective children prove to be untrainable. Society will have to support them until the end of their lives. [80] In view of such consequences of induced abortions on the health of women and sometimes also on the sanity of their offspring, the question is posed: what is better, to give birth to an illegitimate but healthy child, or to a defective one later on, born in wedlock? To have a healthy child in a cramped furnished room or a paralyzed one later in a cosy two-room apartment? It ought to be hammered home to all women that induced abortion is an easy, quick and smooth operation in appearance only. In reality, it is anything else but harmless. It profoundly affects the female organism and its consequences are incalculable. [81] The Problem of Illegal Abortions Against all expectations, the abortion law of 1956 has not succeeded in wiping out illegal abortions. [82] As a result, the overall total of all induced abortions is higher than indicated by the figures on legally induced abortions. How much higher it is difficult to guess. But it is likely to run into several thousand every year. This opinion is based on the estimate of gynecologists, according to whom illegal abortions are the actual cause of at least half of all spontaneous abortions. If that estimate is right, that would mean about 15,000 illegal abortions both in 1961 and in 1962. Moreover, one must also keep in mind that the treatment of the various complications which arise out of illegal abortions cost the state some 10 million forint a year. [83] ------------------------ (80) "Demografia", IV/1963. (81) "Elet es Irodalom", 1 February 1964. (82) "tfepakarat", 12 June 1957; "Nepszabadsag", 25 March 1958; "Nepegeszsegugy", 10/1959. (83) "Magyar Nemzet", 14 May 1963. [page 28] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 The number of penal sentences meted out to illegal abortionists supplies only a very inadequate basis for measuring the extent of that crime. Not all the illegal abortions are discovered; in fact, only very few of them become known. Even when a case does come before the courts, it often ends with acquittal for lack of evidence. Recently the courts have been criticized for handing down too mild sentences. [83] The main reason why many women still choose to undergo the health and penal risk of illegal abortion is their striving for secrecy. Such an endeavor is typical, for example, of girls from 15 to 18 years old who go to the illegal abortionist for fear that their parents might learn about their misfortune. According to a widely held opinion, the number of illegal abortions would largely diminish if the whole procedure of legal abortion could be made more discreet. At present, it is anything but that. Only the doctors who are members of the abortion committees are bound to maintain official secrecy, while no such obligation exists for the other members of the committee. There are also other Bourses of leakage. Thus, for example, the hospital where the induced abortion is performed has to notify the personnel and fiscal departments of the woman's place of work. This provides additional sources for unpleasant gossip. [84] In particular the more conservative female population of the villages smarts under the provisions which prescribe that the induced abortions may be carried out only at hospitals which are within the area of the applicant's domicile. Secrecy could better be preserved if the operation were performed at the maternity department of any hospital. [65] for the same reason, it has also been suggested that women should also be allowed to apply to other abortion committees than the one within whose jurisdiction their domicile lies. [86] There are also other reasons apart from the wish for secrecy. One is that abortion committees are often impolite, thus frightening away the women [87] Also in many hospitals the operation is carried out without the use of anesthetics ------------------------- (84) "Nepszava", 3 December 1961. (85) "Magyar Nemzet", 26 May 1963. (86) Radio Budapest, 14 June 1963. (87) Ibid. [page 29] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 and the women are treated in a rough, humiliating manner. [88] The procedure of legal abortion is, moreover, felt to be "complicated". Women have to undergo several examinations, appear before the committee, etc., before the operation is sanctioned. This may last for days, Finally, incredible as it may sound, even in 1963 there were still women who were inadequately informed about the possibilities of legal abortion. [89] The "advantages" of the illegal abortionist are: he is discreet as he has every reason to be. He asks no questions, as does the abortion committee, hence does not touch the sense of shame or "petty bourgeois prudery" of his clients. [90] Illegal abortion also appears to be a simpler procedure. Everything happens in one place, at the same time. And, last but not least, illegal abortionists are not much more expensive than the hospitals. They charge "competitive" fees of up to 500 to 600 forint. The fact that illegal abortions continue to an undesirable degree causes great worry to the health authorities. The hazards of illegal abortion for the women's health are much greater, in particular if they are performed by midwives or charlatans, than those carried out in hospitals. Fatal consequences occur far more frequently after illegal abortions than after legal ones. Large sums of money are spent by the state to save the victims of illegal abortions, often without success. [9l] The Application of Contraceptives In this regard, the regime's expectations have even suffered a worse disappointment than its expectations that the legalization of induced abortions would put an end to the illegal ones. In spite of the most strenuous publicity efforts such ------------------------- (88) "Orszag-Vilag", 18 December 1963; Fenakel's short story in "Kortars", March 1964. (89) "Magyar Nemzet", 14 May 1963. (90) "Nepszava", 25 March 1958. (91) "Magyar Nemzet", 14 May 1963. [page 30] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 as the institution of special counseling at the gynecological clinics, the distribution of leaflets, pamphlets by the million [92], it had to be admitted as late as in summer 1963 that thus far the whole work of enlightenment for the growing use of contraceptives had proved a failure. [93] It was discovered that, out of 100 women, 35 had no idea how to use contraceptives. At a Budapest factory of pharmaceutical products, female workers did not know that the "Timidon" pills which they made and packaged were, in reality, chemical contraceptives. [94] In the first quarter of 1958, propaganda lectures were held in the IV. district of Budapest to teach the use of contraceptives. Yet, at the same time, the number of induced abortions increased by 20 per cent in the same district. Women were simply unwilling to pay attention to the advice of the doctors. [95] Negligence, love of comfort, carelessness etc. are also indicated as reasons for the unsatisfactorily low use of contraceptives. It is also paradoxical but true that induced abortions are "popular," while contraceptives are frowned upon.[96] Women, say some observers, are less afraid of the induced abortion than of having a tooth removed. [97] "Since the rules on induced abortions were eased, women enter and leave the clinics as if they were going to market. A leisurely shopping tour lasts a longer time... [98] This is, of course, an exaggeration, but, it contains a grain of truth. Besides various "subjective" reasons, there were and are also "objective" handicaps which delay the more rapid spread of the use of contraceptives. For example, the "Timidon" pills have fallen short of the mark. [99] The complaint has also ---------------------------- (92) "Nepszabadsag", 22 May 1958 (93) "Demografia", IV/1963 (94) "Orszag-Vilag", 18 December 1963. (95) "Esti Hirlap", 22 May 1958. (96) "Elet es Irodalom", 1 February 1964. (97) "Demografia", IV/1963. (98) Fenakel's short story in "Kortars", March 1964. (99) "Nepszabadsag", 22 May 1958. [page 31] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 been registered that the contraceptives on sale are "psychologically inadequate" as they interfere with the spontaneity of love.[100] The "word" is spread in favor of mechanical devices rather than chemical ones.[101] Great hopes are now being placed on the introduction of the new oral types o± pills with a hormone base, which are at present being used on an experimental basis. [102] Debate on the "Pros" and "Cons" of the Abortion Law As far as Hungarian public opinion is concerned it has been a moot question from the very beginning whether the abortion law of 1956 is "good" or "bad", "beneficial" or "harmful", whether it should be abolished, modified, or left as it is. For understandable reasons, it was the physicians who first raised their voice in protest against the law. This was due less to sheer egotism, than because the upsurge in the number of induced abortions subjected them to a well-nigh unbearable strain. Nobody else was in a better position to foresee the disastrous consequences of the full liberalization of induced abortions. "After one extreme, we fell into another", was a cry heard as early as October 1956.[103] The performance of induced abortions, so often without any plausible reasons, also troubled the conscience of many doctors. They found that the abortion law of June 1956 was in contradiction to their Hippocratic oath, as well as to the essential function of their profession: that of healing. There were also doctors whose religious feelings were impinged upon by the law.[104] ------------------------ (100) "Magyarorszag", 9 February 1964. (101) "Elet es Irodalom", 14 December 1963. (102) Ibid. (100) (103) "Magyar Nemzet", 18 October 1956. (104) "Nepakarat", 13 July 1957, and "Magyar Nemzet" 23 October 1957. [page 32] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 The doctors found "exaggerated" the freedom granted to pregnant women and expressed deep concern over the "sound growth" of the population.[105] Doctors of Pecs were shocked by the "incomprehensible aversion" toward childbirth and asked whether it might not degenerate into a "national tragedy".[106] But the alarm was also sounded from other quarters. Statistics in hand, and armed with moral, economic and demographic arguments, other people, too, painted the future of the nation in dark colors. There where those who spoke of the eradication of the nation, the slow extinction of the Hungarian people.[107] At the same time, suggestions were also advanced aimed at revising the law by writing into it some restrictions. There were also radical proposals urging, for example, the setting of a minimum limit of two-five times for women who apply for induced abortion.[108] They were rejected with the argument that any restriction of that kind could only provoke a "storm of protest". The majority of the other proposals however, steered a moderate course. They called for a "middle-of-the road" solution between the ruthless Ratko Law and the "institutional killing of the nation" under the abortion law of June 1956. It was suggested that the "law" be changed so that the abortion committees could also reject the applications in certain circumscribed cases.[109] In 1958, the Women's Council of Budapest, -------------------------------------- (105) "Nepakarat", 20 December 1956. (106) "Dunantuli Naplo", 31 March 1957. (107) "Nepakarat" 12 June 1957. (108) "Nepakarat" 20 December 1956. (109) "Nepakarat", 12 June and 13 July 1957. [page 33] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 seeing the frightful increase in the number of induced abortions decided to take the initiative in calling for the reform of the abortion law. It advocated giving the abortion committees the power to turn down applicants if they had no child, were living in good economic conditions and had adequate housing. Following the Czech example, the Women's Committee suggested prohibiting women from having an induced abortion within six months of any previous one. The creation was proposed of abortion committees of the second grade to hear appeals against the decision of the committee operating under the law of 1956; such higher committees to be formed in Budapest as well as in the capitals of the counties. It was also proposed that there should be no appeal against the decision of the second-grade committees.[110] These proposals, though they were quite justified both in view of the grave situation in Budapest as in the rest of the country, were beaten down by the all-out supporters of the abortion law of 1956 who opposed any change of it. Those forces were also active in the defense of the law from its earliest beginnings. Their action ran parallel with the aforementioned criticism of the law. They hailed the "liberal" aspects of the law, under which the bearing of children would no longer spring from compulsion but only from the free decision of the would-be parents.[1ll] They pinned high hopes on the love for children of married couples, and, directly or indirectly, rebuked the "pessimistic" views of the other side, often in mocking terms.[112] In December 1958 there was an open clash between the two points of view. After the Women's Council of Budapest launched its reform plans, a high-level conference of physicians and statisticians was held in the capital. Here the "virtues" of the law were upheld against its critics. The conference expressed the view, which was fully endorsed also by Gyula Wilmon, who attended the ----------------------- (110) "Esti Hirlap", 2 November, 9 December 1958. (1ll) "Nepakarat", 20 December 1956. (112) "Nepszabadsag", 22 May 1958. [page 34] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 conference in his double capacity as doctor and as Deputy Minister of Health, that "one cannot speak of the equal rights of women, not even of their most elementary rights to freedom, if they are not allowed to determine the number of children they shall have." Hence, the conference declared that "the abortion law in force should remain untouched."[113] X X X The same taking of sides can be observed in the current nationwide debate on population problems and the abortion issue, which has been going on since May 1963. Once more suggestions are heard that the abortion committees be given more power. In the opinion of a high-ranking judge, the goal and moral purpose of a family is to rear children. It is women's destiny by nature to give birth to them. If women refuse to comply, they clash with nature, humanity, society. The unlimited possibility of abortion runs counter to the fundamental aim of marriage. Therefore, under no circumstances, should the unbridled performance of abortion be permitted and the committees ought not to be forced to give their consent merely because the applicant insists on having an abortion.[114] Scientists are also said to have advanced the proposal, albeit in a circumspect way, that the law should be made stricter, but also more reasonable than it used to be before June 1956. Mothers who wish to bear no more children should have access to abortion, but women who one day in the future would be likely to want children should be barred from it.[115] -------------------------------------- (113) "Nepszava, 23 December 1958. (114) "Hajdu-Bihari Naplo", 16 June 1963. (115) "Elet es Irodalom", 1 February 1964. [page 35] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 The dejecting vision of a people whose numerical growth has come to a standstill, in a land which could provide abundant means even for a richly developing population, drove Pal Szabo to come forward with a desperately radical proposal[116]: to pass a law "immediately forbidding birth control with the exception of cases in which the life of the mother is in mortal danger and to stop "without delay" any sort of publicity for contraceptives. It is easy to see that acceptance of Szabo's proposal would be tantamount to restoration of the Ratko Law. Today, too, those elements of public opinion are gaining the upper hand who consider the abortion law of June 1956 "basically right, democratic and humane". [117] A return to the Ratko Era seems to be out of the question, because, "what is the value of a life which has to be born out of coercion?"[118] But gone is the buoyant optimism which in 1957 and 1958 held in its sway the unconditional supporters of the abortion law. No longer do they underestimate the gravity of the situation, nor do they accuse of unwarranted pessimism the opponents of the law. Nowadays, the staunchest advocates of the law have turned realistic and grave. While they think that the prohibition of abortion might lead to individual tragedies[119], they also realize that those who abuse the freedom granted by the abortion law commit a serious mistake. The law should not be made stricter, but at the same time, something must be done to put a halt to induced abortions.[120] Even the emphasis on the importance of the publicity for contraceptives has received new overtones. ---------------------------- (116) "Szabad Fold", 1 March 1964. (117) "Esti Hirlap", 4 December 1962. (118) "Elet es Irodalom", 8 February 1964. (119) "Elet es Irodalom", 1 February 1964. (120) "Hajdu-Bihari Naplo", 26 May 1963. [page 36] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 As before, great store is set on promoting the use of contraceptives in order to avoid induced abortions, but, at the same time, it has also been remarked that the question "should there or should there not be a child" is for the people, the nation, the dilemma of "to be or not to be". Since the number of children is small and the number of births diminishes at an unsound pace, all details of the question "should there or should there not be a child", hence also the use of contraceptives, ought to be approached from that angle (of few children, a dwindling population), in the "greatest spirit of responsibility".[121] Even before the present nationwide debate on the population and abortion issue began, it was asked whether all those who say "we want no children" are right. The answer was negative. The ultimate right to say either "yes" or "no" should always lie with the parents and nobody should interfere with their decision. One might try to give people some food for thought, though. Both young but also no longer young married couples are wont to say: "First let's have all that we need." But what should that all comprise? Where is the limit?[122] X X X Discussions on How to Improve the Birth Rate The upshot of the debate on the virtues and shortcomings of the abortion law seems to be that the law will be kept as it is in order to provide a legal platform for respect of the will of the parents to decide whether or not they want a child. On the other hand, the feeling now seems to be that the time has come for childbirth to replace birth control whenever there are no really valid reasons for resorting to the latter. But this naturally leads to the question of why so many married couples do not wish to have children at all or want only one or two children? Why are there so many mothers anxious to have an induced abortion? ------------------------- (121) "Magyarorszag", 9 February 1964. (122) "Nepszabadsag", 12 December 1962. [page 37] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 The reasons are very numerous indeed. At the one end, there are the women who resort to induced abortion because pregnancy would interfere with their holiday plans[123], mothers who, in full agreement with their husbands, think that they should have a comfortable home, all sorts of household gadgets, a TV Sit, a car and, only after having attained all this, should the baby come.[124] In particular, the wish to purchase a car is playing an increasingly important role in birth control.[125] At the other end, there are very serious reasons and these are often quoted in the press. There is the drastic housing shortage. In this connection the press has quoted the case of a mother with three little children who has to share one room with her husband suffering from consumption and one other elderly member of the family, and of a mother with a ten-month old baby living with her husband in a furnished room.[126] There are families with six to eight children living in real misery.[l27] Besides such "objective" reasons, there are hosts of personal reasons arising, for example, from the break up of families owing to divorce, the cruelty of the husbands, their addiction to drinking, etc.[128] And, last but not least, there are single women abandoned by their lovers or whose pregnancy happened by "accident".[129] As these test cases show, the reasons for birth, control by induced abortions or otherwise are numerous and quite varied. Is it still possible to detect behind them a principal motive overriding all others? Leaving aside the purely personal reasons, such as the pregnancy of unmarried mothers or the case in which the mother is in her midforties and the father is against the child for reasons of fairly advanced age, it appears that there are, -------------------------------------- (123) "Nepakarat", 12 June 1957; "Esti Hirlap",17 July 1958; "Nepszava", 8 August 1962. (124) "Vas Nepe", 19 September 1961; "Bekes Megyei Ujsag", 22 July 1961; "Nepszava", 4 August 1962; "Kisalfold", 5 November 1963 (125) "Delmagyarorszag", 21 April 1963; Radio Budapest, 17 March 1964. (126) "Delmagyarorszag", 21 April 1963; "Szabad Fold", 10 March 1963. (127) "Vas Nepe", 16 February 1964. (128) "Delmagyarorszag", 21 April 1963. (129) Ibid. [page 38] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964, broadly speaking, two schools of thought on the subject: one holds that birth control is largely due to objective reasons contingent mainly on economic and social factors, and the other takes a somewhat contrary view that "subjective" reasons arising out of various moral considerations hold the upper hand. X X X 1) The "Objective (economic-social) Theory: the Reasoning Behind the Theory Is as Follows Hungary occupies a leading position in European abortion statistics because of the low degree of support the state and society give to fostering the raising of children.[130] Hence the problem of birth control is "principally and decisively" one of an economic nature. Its solution hinges on two points: better housing and more generous family allowance.[131] What is needed is a policy which would improve the birth rate through putting an end to the inequitable economic situation of large families. The means of such a policy may be manifold, but it requires huge funds.[132] The question is asked whether it is a "matter of course" that in 1964 families with six to eight children should have to live on virtually a subsistence diet? The answer is that such a state of affairs is "deeply anti-social and as such it is completely contrary to the nature of present Hungarian society.[133] Today the socialist principle, of "equal pay for equal work" signifies, in practice, that larger families are handicapped in comparison to single or childless people. Parents with three children can use, for covering their needs, only half of the means which are available to childless persons. Opinions differ as to whether a working couple without child or with one child only can really make a decent living. It is unanimously held, however, that where there are more dependent members in a family for one or even two income earners not only must the dream of better living vanish, but even bare existence may become a problem. Workers between 20 and 30 years ------------------------------------ (130) "Elet es Irodalom", 7 March 1964. (131) "Hajdu-Bihar Megyei Naplo", 16 June 1963. (132) "Elet es Irodalom", 15 February 1964. (133) "Vas Nepe", 16 February 1964. [page 39] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 of age see that two or three children constitute a great obstacle to the raising of their standard of living. Therefore, a larger family appears to be virtually an economic impossibility except for a few couples with good incomes. In view of the levelling off of salaries for the same type of work, and the insufficient amount of family allowance, there is a strong "negative correlation" between the number of children and the "per capita" income of the family. The social injustice of such a situation speaks for itself.[134] In the opinion of many, only a substantial increase in the family allowances could remedy this distressing situation. The present rates of 75 forint per month for two children, 360 for three, 480 for four, 600 for five, 720 for six and 120 for each additional child over that are utterly inadequate. It should also be remembered that, save for some exceptions of a limited scope, no family allowance is paid for one child only. [135] In comparison with other socialist states, the Hungarian family allowance system makes a poor showing. The former are said to shoulder about 40-50 per cent of the meiintenance of the child, while Hungary only covers up to 20 per cent of the burden.[136] In Czechoslovakia, parents receive family allowances until the 25th year of age of their children if the latter continue their studies. Calculated on the basis of the average real wages, Czechoslovak family allowances are considerably higher than the Hungarian; for instance, for two-children families they are three times more than in Hungary. Family allowances paid in Poland are only slightly higher than in Hungary, but they are also paid to the wife even if she does not work.[137] Various schemes have been suggested to improve the family allowance rates. According to one of them, present family allowance rates ought to be supplemented as follows: for families with two children, by 210 forint for every child; with three children by 400 forint; with four to five children by 460 forint; and with six or more children with 500 forint per child. Such supplementary pay --------------------------------------- (134) "Demografia", III/l962; "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January, 15 February and 7 March 1964. (135) Decree No.38 of the Government, dated 15 August 1959. Hungarian Gazetteer of the same date. (136) "Elet es Irodalom", 7 March 1964. (137) "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. [page 40] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 merits would raise the family allowance budget of the state from the 1.4 billion forint paid annually at present to 4.5 billion forint. [138] Another scheme calls for the payment of 520 forint per month for every child, including also the first child. As a result, the family allowance budget of the state would increase to approximately 12 billion forint per annum.[139] It is fully realized that, for the time being, an improvement of such magnitude is out of the question, because the state simply could not foot the bill. In the meantime, however, a gradual amelioration of the situation is strongly recommended. It is thought that it would require about ten years to raise the family allowance rates to the optimal level of about 500 forint per month for each child. But a doubling of the rates at any earlier date would not seem to be an impossible proposition, if, as has been suggested from one quarter, only one-third of the increase were to come from the state budget, while the balance were collected by obliging certain categories of childless people to subscribe to a social insurance loan. That would mean the re-introduction of the one-time special tax for the childless, but in a new and more equitable form. Out of the doubled family allowance funds, 100 forint would be paid, as a rule, for the first child, and the rates would progressively increase for families with more children.[140]. X X X State creches are rightly considered to be a supplement to family allowances. It would be better, however, to take into account the interests of both the mother and the babies, and, therefore, to leave to the mother the choice between family allowance or nursery. There are mothers who would prefer to stay home with their babies during the first two years of the childrens' life. In that case, the family allowance should be stepped up considerably for the non-working mother. All in all, the mother ought to be permitted to decide which form of state assistance she wishes to avail herself of.[141] ----------------------------------------- (138) "Demografia", IV/l963. (139) "Demografia", IV/l963. (140) "Elet es Irodalom", 7 March 1964. (141) "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. [page 41] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 The question of state creches brings us to the thorny problems which confront working women in general. Their share in the total female population has increased by more than 60 per cent as compared to pre-1945 times. At present, 50.6 per cent of all women able to work hold some sort of job. But, unfortunately, the assistance society gives them is not "synchronized" with the extent of employment. For example, there are only enough creches to take care of one-fifth of the babies of working women. Even in "ideal" cases, the present assistance of society guarantees care of the babies only for the time the woman is at work. And that is very little even in the instances in which the "ideal" case happens to exist.[142] Hence the legitimate call for more assistance to working women. The bearing of children should not constitute for them an "unbearable burden", Pal Szabo has energetically stated. Therefore, their working time and work conditions should be improved. They should be freed from heavy work. They should be the first to benefit from the reduction of working hours. Szabo calls for the continuation of the employment of women in the various spheres of life, but warns, at the same time, that they should work only if thereby their vocation as mothers and women in general does not run the risk of being destroyed.[143] At the present time, it is, however, noted that even the existing legal provisions are often circumvented, not overtly, since that would be too dangerous for the managers, but in many petty ways, by resorting to bureaucratic twists and turns, harassing, nagging. The extension of maternity leave from 12 to 20 weeks in December 1962[144] was hailed as a great step forward in helping expectant women. But it was only the first step and how often does the law still remain merely a dead letter. In fact, how often do women still refrain from becoming pregnant because of the fear that they will be frowned upon at their place of work since, under the law, they are entitled to lighter work and in the end to what amounts to a long vacation? And what happens if the baby suddenly falls ill? Should the mother remain at home or not? What will be the reaction of her supervisers? In ----------------------------------- (142) "Elet es Irodalom", 21 March 1964. (143) "Szabad Fold", 1 March 1964. (144) "Nepszabadsag", 24 December 1962. [page 42] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 particular if such sudden sickness happens several times? Some managers, foremen, etc., take a kindly view of such hardship, but how many are there who do not?[145] And when the regular work shift is over, there begins for working women the so-called "second shift", looking after their families. A survey of the National Statistical Office in I960 established that working women had appallingly little time every day to dedicate to their offspring beyond the chores involved in looking after their physical well-being alone.[146] It is generally known that the employment of women in certain occupations inevitably decreases their fertility. That inescapable consequence is all the more important since it is foreseen that the number of working women will further increase in the future.[147] Therefore, society cannot expect more children from them, if all is not done to ease their burdens both at their place of work and in the family, in the broadest sense of the word. X X X Inadequate housing is generally accepted as one of the principal reasons for the falling birth rate and the increasing number of induced abortions.[148] In a great many instances, that is literally true. The availability or lack of adequate housing has a decisive influence on the wish of married couples to have or not to have children.[149] The housing situation in the towns, and especially in Budapest, is aggravated by the great and continuous influx of the rural population. Lack of acceptable housing exerts a particularly unfavorable influence on the desire of these newcomers for families. This is even expected to drop below that of the old town dwellers, which is, in itself, rather low.[150] ----------------------------------- (145) "Nepszabadsag", 24 December 1962; "Hajdu-Bihar Megyei Neplo", 26 May 1963, "Napjaink", 1 February 1964. (146) "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. (147) Radio Budapest, 15 January 1964. (148) "Nepakarat", 20 September 1957; Radio Budapest, 6 January 1963· (l49) "Napjaink", 1 February l964. (150) "Demografia", III/l962. [page 43] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 It has been pointed out that the inclination of young couples to bear children is sometimes curbed by the fact that little respect is shown for the legal provisions under which they are entitled to receive new living space of a certain size after their child is horn.[151] Married couples living in an apartment all by themselves show more willingness to have children than if they have to share the apartment with an adult family member, even should that member be the proverbially useful grand-mother. [152] The greatest aversion against childbirth is to be found, quite naturally, among the occupants of furnished rooms.[153] Often young people feel that to bear a child under such trying conditions would amount to an "attempt upon the baby".[154] In some cases, though, the reference to bad housing as the motive for induced abortion should be taken with a grain of salt. When the women appear before the abortion committee, they try to present unchallengeable reasons which are likely to put an end to any further questioning. Poor housing is one such reason. It was found, however, in County Baranya in 1960 that, while the majority of women applied for induced abortion on account of poor housing, that complaint was not well founded in 80 per cent of the cases.[155] X X X 2) The Subjective (Moral) Theory: The advocates of this theory are convinced that the strong degree of birth control observed in Hungary has not arisen mainly from economic motives.[156] ------------------------------------------ (151) "Napjaink", 1 February 1964. (152) "Kortars", May 1963. (153) "Kortars", May 1963 and Radio Budapest, 6 January 1963. (154) "Elet es Irodalom", 22 February 1964. (155) "Dunantuli Naplo", 29 November 1962. (156) "Demografia", I/l962. [page 44] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Hence the call for the dissipation of the "general belief" that the "cessation of material reasons would immediately and conclusively put an end to the reserved and often even negative attitude of society toward the question of child-birth.[157] It is true that 30 women out of every hundred would drop their abortion plans if their standard of living could be improved to any sizeable extent. But how large is the number of other women who would remain unaffected by a similar change.[158] Budapest statistics show that the birth of the first child has virtually nothing to do with the parents' economic conditions. The tendency to have additional children is relatively greater in the lower income groups, while better economic conditions giving rise to greater exigencies, visibly act as a brake.[159] It has been found that a rising standard of life does not favorably influence the woman's decision to have children.[160] Consequently, it should not be expected that improving economic conditions alone would lead to an increase in the birth rate. On the contrary, it seems to be quite plain that birth control by way of induced abortions or otherwise is more pronounced among people who enjoy better living conditions.[161] Such an attitude is characteristic not only of the urban population, but can also be found, for example, among the workers of a state farm. An enquiry made at the huge Hortobagy Sovhoz (with 40,000 hectares) revealed the telling contrast between the larger number of children in the poorer families which constitute the majority(e.g. a coachman with a monthly wage of 960 forint has three children, for whom he receives a salary allowance of 360 forint per month, so that not even 10 forint a day are available to cover the various needs of one family member!) and the one or at the most two children in the families which are better off and make up the minority. The latter, however, have already risen to the level of petty bourgeois well-being and harbor but one dream, to ------------------------------------- (157) "Kortars", May 1963. (158) "Kortars", May 1963. (159) "Kortars, May 1963; "Magyar Nemzet", 13 May 1962. (160) Radio Budapest, 6 January 1963. (161) Radio Budapest, 15 January 1964. [page 45] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 build a house, a dream with which a larger number of children would interfere.[162] Seeing that there is a "negative correlation" between the improving standard of living and the number of childbirths, the advocates of the subjective (moral) theory turn to the reasons for the phenomenon and discover them in the negative, irresponsible, unprincipled attitude of married couples toward having children. Such an attitude is said to spring from petty bourgeois voracity and lack of social discipline. The supporters of this theory, while they have due understanding for the plight of the really poor, level passionate attacks against those portions of society which appear to be affluent enough to raise children but still fail to do so. They speak of a "dangerously spreading petty bourgeois mentality" characterized by a lack of socialist consciousness toward the community.[163] Such people view large families with no appreciation but, in the best event, with sympathy. Not because many children cause a great many cares, but because their parents have been fools enough to indulge in such a stupid "hobby", owing to which they must go through life as if they had sworn a pledge of poverty.[l64] Other petty bourgeois couples close their eyes to the unenviable situation of large families and conceive socialism as a system under which the greatest possible well-being can be assured, regardless of its price.[165] Some observers feel that youth is in particular affected by such cynical pleasure seeking "a la dolce vita".[166] The younger they are, the later do they plan to have children.[162] It is emphasized that the troubles arise not because men and women living under a socialist system wish to possess a large variety of durable consumer goods such as -------------------------------------- (162) "Elet es Irodalom", 29 February 1964. (163) "Elet es Irodalom 11 January 1964; "Kortars", May 1963. (164) "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. (165) "Vas Nepe", 16 February 1964. (166) "Elet es Irodalom", 8 February 1964. (167) "Elet es Irodalom", 14 December 1963. [page 46] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 refrigerators, TV sets, cars, yachts, tape recorders, etc.. They stem from the approach to such commodities of modern life, the way in which material things take possession of people, where by the tools become the aims of life. People of this sort think that they are not such fools as to assume the burden of children at the expense of giving up objects which make life more pleasant. Thus, it has come to pass that there are "Millions of individualists" in a socialist economic system. But such people are not fit to build Communism.[168] After such a shocking diagnosis, the cure that is needed seems to be at hand and it is on this that the chief attention of the holders of the "subjective (moral) theory" is concentrated. The anti-social outlook or people who desire no children has to be changed by relentless educational efforts. Such conditioning of the public mind toward childbirth ought to begin in the schools, where young people should be taught to love family life.[169] Married couples should feel that society condemns those who shirk bearing children.[170] It should be hammered home to all that to have many children is also a "matter of world outlook". [171] The whole birth rate issue is a public and not merely a private concern. It should involve the whole of society.[172] In the framework of these all-out efforts to change the whole approach of society to the population growth problem, care should be taken to remove the cancerous secretions" of bourgeois society which certain people would like to see seep into socialist society under the pretext of struggling against dogmatism. At the same time, enthusiasm should be kindled, especially in youth, for the attractive vistas of a future international Communist society, for which it will be worth-while for individuals to perpetuate their existence through their children.[173] ----------------------------------------- (168) "Elet es Irodalom", 29 February 1964. (169) "Orszag-Vilag", 18 December 1963. (170) "Hajdu-Bihar Megyei Naplo", 26 May 1963. (171) "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. (172) "Napjaink", 1 February 1964; "Elet es Irodalom", 11 January 1964. (173) "Elet es Irodalom", 29 February 1964. [page 47] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 Peter Veres also stressed the necessity of stimulating "liking and hope" in the Hungarian people for socialism. He struck, however, a significantly cautious and realistic note. He pointed out that there are still many Hungarians who do not "believe" in socialism. "We would only be deceiving ourselves if we failed to notice that lack of faith and hope are among the reasons for child-lessness and, if, instead, we were to lay all the blame on the shortage of housing, low family allowances, as well as the real spread of the 'religion of enjoyment'". One ought to known that a good many people, in particular among the hard-living young and middle aged, think that socialists and 6ommunists "only want to rule and nothing else". Veres foresees that it will be difficult to change such a mood and even the finest words may not suffice to wipe out the "lack of faith" in socialism.[174] Taking a comprehensive look at the two main schools of thought on the reasons for the falling birth rate and the soaring abortion statistics, we can say that the contrast between them is more apparent than real. In fact, they constitute but two sides of the same "coin". Objective (economic-social) and subjective (moral) factors are both present in most decisions concerning the population and abortion issue, though often in a different measure. Ethical and in particular religious motives may move couples from all walks of life, hence also the poor to have offspring. Although Catholic bishops in Hungary are not waging formal war against induced abortions as does Poland's Cardinal Wyszynski, "Uj Ember" the weekly of the Hungarian Catholic Action has repeatedly emphasized the unchanged position of the Church on the issue, pointing out that every "artificial intervention" is a sin and that the Church is fighting both in principle and, through the faithful, also in practice for the life of children.[175] On the other hand, the subjective-egotistical decisions of people to have no children for fear of curtailing the pleasures of life have their ultimate roots in economic facts, the clinging to a certain standard of living. The improvement of the birth rate and the consequent reduction of the number of abortions can only be the result of a two-pronged procedure: giving the needy the indispensable economic-social means, and curbing the ------------------------------------- (174) "Elet es Irodalom", 14 March 1964. (175) "Uj Ember", 1 April 1962, 9 December 1962. [page 48] HUNGARIAN BACKGROUND REPORT, 7 April 1964 greed of the well-to-do through moral pressure. The nation-wide debate on both issues clearly shows that its participants are, on the whole, in agreement on the necessity of such a procedure on two fronts, even if they differ in laying emphasis on one or the other determining factor. This nation-wide debate has up to now been an unofficial one. Thus far the Party and government have not appeared with their own views . One is confronted with a discussion conducted by a great variety of forces armed both with scholarly competence and journalistic literary ability. Their combined efforts have succeeded in arousing great interest in the twin problems of the birth rate and induced abortions. It is reasonable to assume that the leadership of the regime is highly gratified by the progress of the debate. It can only gain from the interest of public opinion in the vital problems involved. The campaign against the "spread of petty bourgeois views" must also appear welcome from the ideological angle. It can only be greeted if, as a result of the moral pressure of public opinion, some married couples who can afford it will be moved to have children. All the more so as the regime is in no position to undertake new economic commitments at the present time. It has recently been announced that there are plans to improve the family allowance rates for two children only. But neither the extent nor the date of such a step has been disclosed. It appears clearly from what has been said above on this subject that such an improvement would turn out to be of very small scope only. Much more is needed in this regard.[176] In the meantime, the nation-wide debate is rolling on and will continue to deserve keen attention in the future. End ------------------------------------- (176) "Nepszabadsag", 21 January 1964.
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