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BOX-FOLDER-REPORT: 34-1-13
TITLE:             Hungarian Literary Life: Intriguing New Traits Despite Czechoslovakia
BY:                AB
DATE:              1968-11-6
COUNTRY:           Hungary
ORIGINAL SUBJECT:  Hungary/19
THEMATIC SUBJECTS: Hungary--1966-1975, Hungary--Literature, Czechoslovakia--1968 Intervention--Soviet Bloc Reaction

--- Begin ---

RADIO FREE EUROPE Research

EAST EUROPE

HUNGARY/19
6-November 1968

HONGARIAN LITERARY LIFE: INTRIGUING NEW TRAITS DESPITE
CZECHOSLOVAKIA'

Summary: Hungarian writers, reacted to the invasion of
Czechoslovakia by a deep silence, something in sharp
contrast to the noisy approval given by the centrally
sponsored supporters of this military act. The regime is
nevertheless showing its goodwill by forestalling any
tension which could upset the balance worked out by the
Party and the writers during the last decade. New and
heartening impulses are coming from above to ensure the
writers' position in Hungarian society, while the writers,
in turn, are pressing for more elbowroom. So far their
activity and freedom have not suffered because of the
invasion. The officially supported "Discovery of Hungary"
sociographic movement has aroused great interest and has
stirred up public opinion. The "Movement's"aim is to help
the reform by taking stock of the situation in the
countryside. The writers' main ambition is to shape the Hungarian
"Model" by generating fresh ideas.

X X X

The Invasion and Hungarian Literati

The sad chapter of Czechoslovak history which began on
August 20 has yet to be closed. One who ventures to make an initial
appraisal of the impact of the invasion on Hungarian literary life
must reckon with this fact. Furthermore, he has to ponder the
traumatic experience of the Hungarian writers gathered during the
1956 Hungarian uprising and its aftermath, the so-called
"consolidation" period. This experience serves to warn the analyst
that logic can be defied by irrationality and facts, e.g., agreements,
declarations, promises, etc., which are taken at face value, can
turn out to be fraudulent pitfalls. Therefore, everything which is
said below can only be considered as a preliminary and tentative
endeavor to define the present Standort (situation) of Hungarian
literature under the influence of the Czechoslovak occupation.

Hungarian literature, as already explained in previous

[page 2]

papers, [1] is a significant factor in Hungarian intellectual
life. Hungarian writers have gained a position in Hungarian
society from which they are able to exert influence on social
development, and the regime has willy-nilly had to accept the
writers as "co-operators." This fact was emphasized by Kadar
himself, when on June 6, he gave an extensive report on the regime's
policy to a distinguished group of writers, at the invitation of
the board of the Hungarian Writers' Union. In his report Kadar
repetitrously pointed out that the writers were held in high
esteem by the regime and that their views on the problems of
society had great significance. The difference between the
politicians and the writers, according to Kadar, lies in their
dissimilar way of thinking but not in their responsibility, which
is the same. Thus Kadar reassured, and even strengthened the
writers' position at a time when the liberalization in Czechoslovakia
was evoking growing interest among them.

The invasion of Czechoslovakia came as a complete surprise
According to an unconfirmed report, [2] the Hungarian writers, and
especially "the non-Communists among them, reacted to the brutal
and unjustified act of the Russians and their allies in a very
sensitive manner. This report discloses that the writers, greatly
distressed and in a mood in which dispair and disenchantment were
mixed with shame owing to the Hungarian participation in the
invasion, contemplated engineering a strong protest against the
decision of the Hungarian leaders, which they strongly rejected.
In this great confusion, however, the literati could not agree on
the form and addressee of their protest. The writers, according
to this report, also reconsidered the consequences of a protest letter
which would have had to be smuggled out to the West, Finally, all
these plans were canceled on the advice of some elderly and noted
writers who were present. This fact, however, the report adds, did
not exclude the possibility of making a protest later should the
situation in Czechoslovakia lead to a catastrophe.

It seems clear enough that the sober decision of the
writers stemmed from the tragic experience of the past and was, 
at the same time, bolstered by consecrations that a protest would
surely be futile and possibly endanger the achievements won by
the writers in their struggle after 1956.

Nevertheless, the Hungarian writers took a stand -- not by
protest -- but by silence. Hot only the Writers' Union and the

_____________________________
(1) "General Survey of Literature," Hungarian Unit/AB, Radio Free
Europe Research, 14 March 1967 and 11 July 1968.

(2) Zoltan Agfalvi, "Intermezzo in Budapest in two Chapters,
"Irodalmi Ujsag, 1 October 1968.

[page 3]

writers in general abstained from any public utterances [3],
but all the literary periodicals keenly avoided even the slightest
reference to the Czechoslovak events. This pattern still prevails,
although the post-invasion issues of these periodicals number
between two and three dozen.
 
One minor exception, however, should be registered. In
the August 31 issue of Elet es Irodalom, an article was published
by Gabor Garai, entitled "A Letter to a Professional College in
Prague." Garai, who is secretary of the Writers' Union and the
second man on the editorial staff of Elet es Irodalom, congratulates
his Czechoslovak friend because he, as a writer, had remained
steady and had not succubed to the force of opposition. Moreover,
he had fought two fronts, not only against the dogmatists, but
at the same time, against the rightist "demagogues." Although he
had sacrificed his popularity, in the long run he would win. Not
only the politicians are burdened with responsibility, said Garai,
but the writers as well.

In order to put the silence of the writers in proper
perspective the analyst must also evaluate the other side, i.e.,
the chorus of the invasion supporters.

This centrally-sponsored political window-dressing,
favoring the "friendly" help of the "five" to the Czechoslovak
comrades, expressed itself rather noisily. Not only were thousands
of workers mobilized to pass resolutions at, hastily organized
rallies and send telegrams to the CC of the HSWP, and to the
government and media editorial officies, but such organizations and
associations as the trade unions and the peace movement also had to
support official policy. Moreover, the churches could not remain
silent. The editorials of the religious papers [4] feverishly
coompeted with each other to hail the "necessary" and "justified"
steps of the "five." Even the bench of Catholic Bishops had to
consent to the regime's policy [5]. Finally, the stand of the
Party-minded journalists, radio and television commentators is
well known.

Against this background, the deep silence of the writers
speaks for itself and does not lose value even if the bold
stand of the five Hungarian Marxists at the Korcula symposium

------------------------------
(3) The case of the respected critic arid literary historian Pal E.
Feher, who worked for Nepszabadsag after the invasion as a foreign
correspondent in Czechoslovakia and who analyzed events strictly
according to official regime policy, should be recorded here as a
marginal exception. 

(4) Uj Ember, 1 September 1968; Uj Elet, 1 September 1968;
Reformatusok Lapja, 8 September 1960; Katolikus Szo
8 Septmember 1960; Evangelikus Elet, 8 September 1968.

(5) Ka??likus Szo, 20 October 1968.

[page 4]

(Belgrade) seems more eloquent [6].

Reports from Hungary revealed that the masses of the
population reacted to the invasion with great uneasiness and
fear and questioned the future policy of the Hungarian regime.
In order to set the public's mind at ease, the Party and state
leaders, like the propaganda apparatus itself, repeatedly stated
that the policy of the regime would not change because the
"Hungarian model" had proven good. One of the most outstanding
articles elaborating this issue appeared in Nepszabadsag
(September 22) as an unsigned editorial entitled "Where Are We
Going?" The editorial clearly stated that the Hungarian regime
could not do anything but continue its present policy, and
do so with even more courage and consistency [7].

In accordance with this general line, the cultural and
literary policy of the regime was also reinstated, but in a
rather strange way. Peter Renyi, deputy chief of the Nepszabadsag
editorial board, wrote a lengthy article which was forwarded to the
editorial officies of the provincial newspapers by the Budapest
Central Information Office. In this article [8], entitled
"The Muses Are Not Silent," Renyi pointed out that with respect
to its cultural policy, the regime is taking pains to provide the
widest room possible for differing notions and forms in the
literary field. If we erect barriers on the road of the creative
activity of the writers, explained Renyi, we will quench the
exploration of fresh ideas, although it is true that we have been
compelled to install some obstacles. We must protect the freedom
of the writers in the course of new developments. It would be
the greatest possible mistake to shut the writers' collective
mouth and erect taboos for them and drag the literati away from
disturbing reality by leading them to Elysian fields, especially
when dangers lie ahead. We should proceed in just the opposite
way.

This is the message of Renyi, narrowed down to essentials
and stripped of its Party jargon. It is really a remarkable
utterance from the mouth of the regime's chief publicist.
Renyi's article, furthermore, can be classified as a masterpiece
of subtlety, because it avoids any explicit reference to the
Czechoslovak events, although it speaks clearly about them
between the lines.

------------------------------
(6) "Leading Marxist Philosophers Protest Against the Invasion
of Czechoslovakia, Zdenko Antic, RFER, 26 August 1968.

(7) Hungarian Press Survey No.1953, RFER, 9 October 1968.

(8) Published in, among other papers, Keletmagyarorszag
22 September 1968; Kisalfold 29 September 1968;
HajduBihari Naplo 29 September 1968; Csongrad Megyei Hirlap
29 September 1968.

[page 5]
 
Renyi has not been the only prominent regime spokesman
to speak to the writers. On September 17, CC Secretary Arpad
Pullai visited the Feszek Club (West Club), which is the
traditional meeting place of writers and artists, and gave a
comprehensive survey of current domestic and foreign policy
questions. Three days later, another CC Secretary, Zoltan
Komocsin, showed up at the enlarged board meeting of the Writers'
Union and reported on current issues relating to the regime's
foreign policy. At the October parliamentary session, Premier
Pock also addressed the writers, saying: "We do not wish to
influence the freedom to create by administrative measures."

These steps have been enumerated as signs of the
regime 's goodwill and its desire to forestall any tension which
could upset the balance worked out by the Party and the writers
during the last decade. In other words, these are the impulses
coming from above. But what comes from below? The following
passages will expound some remarkable occurrences to exemplify
the pressure coming from this direction.

In the August-September 1960 issue of the Party's
ideological monthly Tarsadalmi Szemle a rather significant
article appeared. This article attempts to build up a new
theoretical base for the regime's cultural policy. The author,
Ivan Vitanyi, belongs to the Valosag circle, [9] and his article,
entitled "Art and Guidance," was published by Tarsadalmi Szemle
on the condition that the author's statements be debated.

Vitanyi expounds the theory of guidance first. Referring
to cybernetics, Vitanyi explains that this discipline knows two
forms of guidance so far, i.e., STEERING (creating a definite
program while fixing the target) and CONTROL (adapting the given
facts to a fixed program). Now the researcher has found a third
form of guidance and labeled it HEURISTIC GUIDANCE [10] (reaching
a solution while a fixed program is lacking). This new form
of guidance, Vitanyi remarks, has already been elaborated by .
scholars such as the American Herbert A. Simon and the Hungarian
Laszlo Szanyi.

After this preliminary excursion into the realm of
cybernetics, Vitanyi raises the question of guidance in the field
of art and advocates that all three forms of guidance should be
applied there as well. As far as heuristic guidance is concerned,
Vitanyi expounds rather extensively on a newly arisen situation,
------------------------------
(9) Valosag is the monthly of the Society for Scientific
Education, and its editors supposedly have Social Democratic
leanings. Andras Hegedus was the predecessor of Adam
Wirth, who is the present editor-in-chief.

(10) When Archimedes discovered the so-called Archimedean principle,
he exclaimed "Eureka!" according to legend.

[page 6]

i.e., the well-educated part of society is now eager to get an
explanation of new occurrences, and the artists are endeavoring to
speak out on matters which have so far not been tackled.

Concerning the various conceptions of artistic guidance
which have been officially practiced, Vitanyi dwells in a
remarkably outspoken fashion on the failures and mistakes
committed by the regime. One of these mistakes, in his opinion,
is that the latter has remained silent on questions at a time when
the public has begun to evaluate these matters in a way differing
from that of the regime. A further mistake is labeled by Vitanyi
as "negative-salami-tactics," i.e., the regime has had to give
place an inch at a time to new artistic trends which were
previously condemned by it. These so-called
 as "negative-salami-tactics, " however, are connected with a phenomenon which can be
defined, according to Vitanyi, as a certain duplicity in the 
system of guidance. That is to say, artistic trends are directed
not only by the official dictum of the responsible organs, but at
the same time by the views of "certain intellectual circles," a
situation which came into being through the web of personal
relationships. Apparently, the more important decisions were at
times made in the coffeehouses and espressobars rather than in.
the ministries. But these existing "inner structures "are not
condemned by Vitanyi, although he stresses that the real solution
for the elimination of this phenomenon lies in a policy which
prefers to accept, "novelty" and does not concern itself with
the perpetuation of "antiquity." That is, our guidance will be.
weakened in the end if we think ourselves to be infallible.

While elaborating on the meaning of heuristic guidance,
Vitanyi made the following noteworthy conclusions:

The main characteristic of this guidance should be a
new attitude to fresh occurrences and the invention of positive
solutions. A stimulating new program will lift evolution to a
higher level and therefore defects -- i.e., evolutionary
by-products -- will be eliminated. The essence of heuristic guidance
is the unceasing renewal and development of this new positive
program. In Hungary a heuristic evolution is already in progress,
as manifested in debates and in the statements made by Aczel and
Kadar [11]. Heuristic guidance, supported by existing achievements,
can now proceed into a new phase; indeed, this guidance has already
reached a new phase to some extent. If we are to guide art, we
have to look for the present Bartoks [12] of our society and try
------------------------------
(11) Aczel-'a lecture at the Political Academy of the HSWP on
23 April 1968. Kadar's report to the writers on 6 June 1968.

(12) Bela Bartok (1881-1945) was the most important figure
in 20th century Hungarian music apart from Zoltan Kodaly.
Bartok was not properly appreciated during his lifetime.

[page 7]

to understand and influence them and acquire fresh ideas from
them. This is necessary because success lies neither in good
organization nor in the forces arrayed behind resolutions, but
only in the vigor of ideas, Vitanyi concludes.

While this summarized version of Vitanyi's study cannot
reveal all its sophistication, it nevertheless clearly demonstrates
that a significant inroad has been made on the regime's guidance
system.

Besides Vitanyi's undertaking, there have been signs
in abundant variety which substantiate the thesis that pressure
is coming from below. Some of the writers and publicists have
been scourging the anomalies in the literary field, while
shielding their own interests and demanding further possibilities
for freer literary activity.

Vilmos Farago, a we'll, known political writer with rather
progressive views, for example, castigated [13] the forums of
mass media, i.e., radio, television, film-making, the press and
publishing houses, for squeezing out the writers from their
function and replacing them with "clerks" or "specialized
mini-masters." The field of literature has been inundated with mock
literati. It is an open secret, Farago reported, that one of our
biggest book agents refuses to sell the works of living Hungarian
writers; he actually boycotts them. It is a pity, Farago wrote,
that the various literary trends cannot crystallize themselves
around fixed points and that literary groups can exist only under
the surface. The debates and the critics do not serve their
real purposes. The chairs are everywhere occupied by elderly
persons. The young generation of writers is enervated, and lacks
a program, the talent for organization and the ability to create
proper forums for itself. While enumerating these difficulties,
Farago also emphasized that the publishing houses do not make
the proper choice of books to publish and that therefore the
volume of pseudo-literature is growing.

Farago's bitter accusations have been echoed by other
writers and publicists, too, not only in Budapest, but also in
the countryside [14].

The noted Sanidor Tatay [15] even went a step further.
------------------------------
(13) Vilmos Farago, "How Man is Valued when he is a Writer,"
Elet es Irodalom, 14 September 1968.

(14) E.G., Andras Toth, "To be a Writer Today," Zalai Hirlap,
6 October 1968.

(15) Sandor Tatay (1910), writer, rewarded with the Attila Jozsef
prize. His article was published in Elet es Irodalom,
28 September 1968.

[page 8 ]

Tatay demanded that the writers enjoy freer group-building
p0ssiblit3.es and that newly-created small and mobile publishing
houses should help such groups.

These examples, taken at random, demonstrate that the
activity of the writers has not suffered in the wake of the
Czechoslovak invasion. The writers are attempting to exert more
pressure on the regime, and the competent cultural organs in
order to defend the freedom achieved by them since the Hungarian
uprising.

Thus the writers' silence on the invasion, the friendly
attitude of the regime toward the writers and the writers'
vitality in defending their freedom characterize the literary-
situation at present.

Sociography Attempts to Promote the Reforms Through the "Discovery
of Hungary" Movement.

Since the Thirties, sociography has been almost a
standard feature of the Hungarian literary scene. This literary
genre has its roots in the already classic exploratory works of
the populists, and it has freshly blossomed in the bold "opera"
of the younger writers. The scope of today's sociography, however,
is significantly broader. It embraces not only the peasantry
and village life, as it did in the Thirties, but also tackles the
whole of "social reality," and thus the life of the workers,
intellectuals and urban areas.

Sociography has usually been pursued by noted writers,
mostly without the encouragement of the competent state or Party
authorities, or even against their will. Now a rather
significant change has occurred, and the regime itself has initiated
a sociographic movement with the definite aim of helping the various
reforms which are being implemented in Hungary.

At the plenary meeting of the Writers' Union in March
1968, Jozsef Darvas, the president of the Union, announced that
a new movement, named "The Discovery of Hungary," would be born.
This movement, which calls to mind the similar movement under
a similar name in 1936, plans a comprehensive stock-taking
of Hungary's economic, social and cultural situation. The
sponsors of this movement, the Ministry of Education and the
Writers' Union, will issue "letters of commission" for those
writers who are selected for this rather big assignment in order
to ensure the cooperation of the county organs concerned. The
number of sociographic "explorers" will be about 26. The selection
of the writers and the canvassing work of those already selected
are now under way. The first volumes of the serial The Discovery
of Hungary should appear in a year or in 18 months' time.

So far so good, but the current of events took an

[page 9]

"unexpected turn. Some of the local functionaries and leaders
plainly refused to render any assistance to the assigned writers,
although the writers had "been officially sponsored. This
embarrassing fact was revealed by Darvas himself in his exhilirating
report on a journey to Szabolcs-Szatmar county, published in the
September 1968 issue of Kortars. Darvas relates how he tried
vainly to mediate between the writer Antal Vegh and some local
leaders who had been infuriated by Vegh's previous report on the
rather shocking situation in the county village of Peneszlek. [16]

Out of all the problems which came to light during Darvas's
mediation, one should be stressed as the real reason for the
hostility, viz., the basically different positions of the functionaries
and the writers. As Darvas put it, the attitude of the writers
naturally differs from the attitude of the politicians or
functionaries. We have to face and analyze these differences
courageously and frankly, he proposed, and added that it was 
necessary to specify the differences in theoretical terms in order
to assume that the conflicts would turn out to be productive. The
existence Of the conflicts is not to be pitied, wrote Darvas,
because the different points of view will reciprocally control
each other.

In addition to these remarks, the questions posed by
Darvas at the end of his journey report are also of interest. I
wonder, he wrote, whether the atmosphere of consolidation which
prevails in Hungary today -- which is generally not bad -- is not
unduly lukewarm, and whether it does not immoderately preserve the
status quo. I wonder whether this atmosphere does not stabilize
existing differences and disparities between regions, areas, social
strata, notions and ideologies. The spirit which is reflected in
the bold grappling with accumulated problems of economic guidance
has to be enforced in all walks of life. An atmosphere should
be created which supports the birth of the best literary works and
which fights for them, because without this atmosphere it is all
too difficult. Public opinion has to be arrayed behind "The
Discovery of Hungary" movement, which is supported by the regime's
central organs.

These straight words reveal that the resistance of
the middle and low-level functionaries and local leaders in the
countryside can be surmounted only by the pressure of public
opinion lined up behind the writers. The division along these
lines was never so clearly stated before. To probe more deeply
into the arguments of the opposing forces in the countryside, it
seems necessary to consider first the sulkiness which has
accumulated in the souls of these functionaries and local leaders
------------------------------
(16) Antal Vegh, "Stagnant Water," Valosag, April 1968.

[page 10]

as a consequence of already published sociographies disclosing the
misery and backwardness of the provinces and exposing the
ineptitude or even wickedness of some local potentates. Besides
this, one must realize that the middle and low-level functionaries
(even the best of them) have been somehow caught "between two
stones. They have to endure the heavy pressure coming from above
and below, but, at the same time, they posses only a restricted area of
maneuver owing to the extremely difficult economic and social
conditions in the countryside, as well as the sometimes really
harrowing political conditions. Finally, it should also be
recalled that the bulk of these local functionaries and leaders
were appointed during the Rakosi era and thus are not sufficiently
flexible to promote the kind of development envisaged by the regime.
In all probability, these people resent, any literary exposure of the
sad backwardness prevailing in the countryside, because they
consider this an offense against them personally and are anxious
about their positions.

Thus the effort of the officially supported "Discovery
of Hungary" movement has its significance not only in the literary,
but also in the political field.

Darvas himself has been spurred on by this fact. He was
so impressed by the experience gathered during his mediation trip
into the countryside that he suspended at once all preparatory work
on his previously planned plays and started to write a drama on
the problematics of "The Discovery of Hungary" in order to support
this movement.[17] It is not only Darvas who is impressed and
upset by the obstacles hindering the planned sociographic serial,
however, but also Minister of Education Pal Ilku and naturally
the writers connected with the movement.

The publication of the Darvas journey in Kortars
marks a new phase in the short history of the movement since
his report aroused interest and stirred up public opinion.
However, the points of views on the movement differ sharply.
On the one side, the movement has been attacked vehemently. An
unsigned editorial in the county paper Hajdu-Bihari Napla on
October 5, launched a scathing attack against Darvas and the noted
sociographer Tibor Zam, who was assigned to write a sociographic
essay on one of the country's most backward villages, Artand.
Zam is strictly rejected by the editorial, owing to his
previous sociographic works on the state farm in Hortobagy, also
------------------------------
(17) lograd, 19 September 1968.

[page 11]

situated in the county. furthermore,Darvas is called to account
by the editorial on various matters pertaining to his journey
report. The culminating point of the accusations is the postulate
that the Hungarian reality should not only be discovered, but
first and foremost changed. However, such change is sometimes
hindered from above. Thus it would be tempting to discover
something about this "higher Hungary" (i.e., the central
leadership) and why it does not provide the provinces with
sufficient resources to improve their plight.

Another attack, this time by the Szabolcs-Szatnar
county paper Keletmagyarorszag (October 12), was made on Antal
Vegh, to whom reference has already been made.

The author of this attack, while criticizing the
statements made by Darvas in his Kortars article, assailed
Vegh for his "nearly malevolent" activity in discovering and
making a show of existing troubles.

(more)


[page 12]

On the other hand, Darvas has "been enthusiastically
supported and. greeted by the county paper Pest Megyei Hirlap
(September 29). Darvas struck a note, wrote the paper, which is
seldom heard in Hungarian literary life. It is good that this
note is perceptible, continued the article, for what he wrote is solid
and reveals the sheer reality pointing far beyond what has been
discovered before.

Darvas has also been aided by the literary and cultural
monthly of Abauj-Zempien County, Nap-j-aink (October). Darvas's
justification for the sociologist, wrote the monthly's staff member
Imre Bata, is authentic, because he argues circumspectly and in an
all-embracing manner. However, Bata questioned the quality of today's
sociographic works, which, according to him, are inferior to the
sociography done by the populist Writers in the Thirties. The cause
for it is that today's sociographies are too factual and lacking in 
enthusiasm. Nevertheless, Bata advocated the methods used by the young
sociographers, which are characterized "by analysis based exclusively
on the present state of affairs and not on historical perspective.
In this regard, Bata goes further than Darvas, who, owing to the
pressure of local functionaries, is ready to accept a compromise in
sociography, consisting of a sober mixture of historical occurrences,
positive developments and negative facts. This form of sociography,
Bata remarked, can really be dull.

Darvas and, to a degree, Vegh have also been supported by
the county paper Zalai Hirlap (October 13), while further support
has been furnished by the October 17 issue of the Patriotic People's
Front daily, Magyar Nemzet, which, while reporting on the
side-aspects of the October parliamentary session, devoted a whole section
to the problem of sociography, and "The Discovery of Hungary"
movement. The newspaper referred to the speech of Szabolcs-Szatmar County
deputy Matyas Hornung, who took the floor and, inter alia, spoke
resentfully about the black picture given by writers and journalists
of the situation in his county. Hornung asked for a more considered
and comprehensive analysis of the situation. Magyar Nemzet,however,
made it unmistakably clear that a description of reality cannot give
any ground for resentment. The truth emanating from these works must
be dealt with instead of attacked. The public very well knows that
in Szabolcs-Szatmar County an extremely significant change has taken
place and that the county's leaders are doing everything to prevent
a return to the past. But all that has been voiced about
Szabolcs-Szatmar County by the writers and journalists belongs to "The Discovery
of Hungary" movement and has to be accepted not only by the county
itself, but the whole country.

Very definite and heavy support for Darvas has also been
given by Nepszabadsag (October 19). One of Nepszabadsag's leading
critics, Zoltan Hera, strongly attacked the vulgar spirit, the
brutally instructing voice and the rather dogmatic nature of the
Hajdu-Bihari Naplo editorial. At the same time, Hera fully endorsed
Darvas's statement on the contradictions of literature and politics
and favored the special character of the various intellectual
spheres, i.e., philosophy, history, literature, art, sociology, ethics,
etc., and their right to develop freely according to their own

[page 13]

peculiarities. Hera summarized his criticism in the statement that
the voice of Hajdu-Bihari Naplo does not further, but on the contrary,
hampers socialist politics.

These are the reflections on the "Darvas journey report to
date, but it can be fairly assumed that the flow of these reflections
has just started. All in all, it seems clear that "The Discovery of
Hungary" movement is a promising new trend of Hungarian literary
life, which has a stimulating effect on both the literary and political
scene.

The Writers Endeavor to Shape the Hungarian Model

The writers' agitation for political and social reforms has
been already expounded in a previous paper[l8]. The expectations
connected with the economic reform have been rather keyed up. As the
writer Geza Molnar put it, for example, Hungary is facing great changes
in science, art, public education, and culture as a whole. The economic
reform will influence the opinion of society and society as a whole;
it is a "green light" to intellectual life and will have a decisive
effect on the life of the whole country.[19]

Has time disproved these hopes and the invasion of
Czecho-slovakia wrecked these expectations? Although the developments in
Hungary are rather encouraging, time has been far too limited for a
definite, answer. Notwithstanding this fact, it is possible and
necessary to sketch out the trends now evolving in the literary field.

First of all, it seems to be the prevalent view that for
the moment the main task is to defend and push forward the Hungarian
reforms. This can be achieved, however, only by concentrating on
the country's own affairs, irrespective of the events in Czechoslovakia.
This striving was manifested by the debate which had already flared up
 in all sectors of the Hungarian domestic scene prior to the invasion.
The literary and political weekly Elet es Irodalom started a column
devoted to contributions on the theme of "intellectual capital" in
Hungary as early as 8 June 1968. The purpose of the column is to
measure and evaluate Hungarian intellectual resources and suggest how
to use them more efficiently. The Column, which has already posed
many issues and has been filled with the most intriguing questions
and problems, is open to everybody, and thus not only writers and
journalists present their views, but other intellectuals, too. Although
it is not the aim of this paper to survey the whole scope of the
------------------------------
(18) "General Survey of Hungarian Literature," AB, Hungarian BR/13,
RFER, 11 July 1968.

(19) Geza Molnar, "The Writer and the Mechanism," Elet es Irodalom,
9 December 1967.

[page 14]

column, it would nevertheless be revealing to record its main
themes. These may be summarized as follows:

The efficient use of intellectual resources necessitates a
definite change of approach toward these resources, a change
analogous to that which has taken place with respect to material
resources. Everybody's job should be everybody's hobby. This
aim should be facilitated only by the creation of ample moral and
material conditions and not by agitation. The personal interests
of intellectuals should prevail. The brain workers should be
spurred on by this to the highest diligence, invention and effort.[20]

Selection in intellectual life takes place today not on the basis
of talent, but rather on the basis of dubious merits. Although
the freer atmosphere of our debates helps greatly in the solution
of problems, this atmosphere has to be improved by granting more 
freedom and publicity for different views. The critical attitude 
of the public is restricted today because some professional
leaders have been placed beyond any criticism. To assure the
freer flow of debates it would be desirable to invite so-called
"anti-professors" as guest speakers to the universities to expound
their views.

The education system should be modernized. In 10-15 years Hungary
will be lacking in "fresh knowledge" owing to the demographic
decline.[21] The provision of education on the basis of social
origin is obsolete. Equal starting positions should be provided for
everybody. The quality of even the various elementary schools
differs tremendously. The search for talent should be based on the
nearly forgotten experiences of the people's colleges. A green
light should be given to great careers. Material differentiation
should be expanded on the basis of achievement. Highly paid
people, retained for humanitarian reasons, should quit. An
atmosphere of enthusiasm similar to that which prevailed in 1945
should be created by patriotism and democratization.[22]

International intellectual life values very highly those experts
who hold markedly special opinions. In Hungary, however, according
to old dogmatic usage, all works or conference speeches must be
approved and made to fit the official standpoint by the competent
authorities before they can be published or used abroad. Experts
and scholars must be entitled to their own views abroad just as
at home, without any official interference. The editorial boards
of the various periodicals should not refuse to publish opinions
on touchy questions. The publication of those studies which
------------------------------
(20) Elet es Trodalom, 8 June 1968.

(21) Elet es Irodalom, 15 June 1968.

(22) Elet es Irodalom, 22 June 1968. 

[page 15]

represent the new theses and fresh ideas of young scholars are
mostly prevented by the established old guard of scholars. The
public should be informed about the views of young scholars.[23]

The bulk of the other contributions which have been
published in Elet es Irodalom since June is mostly of economic
significance. However, the debate on the reforms is not restricted
exclusively to Elet es Irodalom. It can be fairly stated that this
debate crops up in all possible media, including the county papers.
For example, the literary and cultural weekly of North Hungary,
Napjaink, published an editorial[24] in one of its September issues
proposing the establishment of mutual relations between Hungarian
scholars at home and their exiled compatriots working abroad. Said
Napjaink, "We should utilize the results which have been achieved by
our compatriots, i.e., artists and researchers abroad, and expand
our connections with them by organized efforts."

When considering all these examples of lively debate, one
basic question necessarily emerges. Can debates basically influence
development? The events which have occurred during the last decade
verify the positive effects which they can have. The debate concerning
the NEM and the rather catastrophic demographic decline are only the
latest examples of this. However, it should be recorded that some
debates have been futile, and have faded out without visible results.
Pal Salamon, one of the contributors to the "intellectual capital"
column of Elet es Irodalom, has protested, against this phenomenon.[25]

The frank words of debate have to be exchanged for adequate
deeds, Salamon pointed out, otherwise the candid words lose their
meaning. The pendular movement of social, political and spiritual life
between extremes cannot be accepted by us as an unalterable truth, he
said. The long silence and then the complete negation of all which
existed before are the essential elements of this type of movement.
But it seems that the possibility for another type is ripening these
days.

The importance of debates was also underlined by Premier
Pock at the autumn Parliamentary session. "We regard debates in
intellectual and artistic life as correct, good and /something which/
will ultimately promote our socialist system and social progress," he
said.
------------------------------
(23) Elet es Irodalom, 29 June 1968.

(24) Istvan Kristo Nagy, "National Pride and Historical Value,"

(25) Pal Salamon, "The Spirit of Intellectual Capital," Elet es
Irodalom, 6 July 1968.

[page 16]

Undoubtedly, the pivot of this new type of development
is the free and candid debate. The theoretical discussion of the
limits, significance and essence of the "debate" signals, as
Salamon's article demonstrates, a further revealing trend in Hungarian
literary life.

Summing up, contemporary literary life in Hungary has many
faces, intriguing peculiarities, and significant undercurrents,' but
one of them gains a special distinction because of the Czechoslovak
events -- namely, that Hungarian writers play a meaningful role in
shaping the Hungarian model, which can be characterized as a slow
drive along the road of permanent evolution."

AB
(Hungarian Unit)

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